| | Statement of John Colombo, Professor, University of Illinois College of Law, Champaign, Illinois Testimony Before the Full Committee of the House Committee on Ways and Means May 26, 2005 Mr. Chairman, Members of the Committee:
My name is John Colombo. I am a professor of law at
the University of Illinois College of Law in Urbana-Champaign, and I have
taught about and written on issues of tax-exempt organizations for the past 18
years, particularly issues of tax-exemption for nonprofit hospitals. I want to
give you some history and context regarding hospital tax exemption rules and
perhaps suggest some alternatives to our current system.
History of Income Tax Exemption for Hospitals
Hospitals have enjoyed exemption from the federal
income tax virtually since the beginning of the income tax system.[1]
Prior to 1969, federal income tax exemption for hospitals (and presumably other
health care providers) was tied to free care for the uninsured poor (“charity
care”). The official ruling position of the Service was set forth in Rev. Rul.
56-185, which required a hospital seeking exemption under Code Section
501(c)(3) to be “operated to the extent of its financial ability for those not
able to pay for the services rendered.”[2]
While the Service never took an official position regarding how much charity
care was “enough” or even how to define charity care for these purposes, if a
hospital lacked a substantial charity care program, auditing agents almost
always recommended denial or revocation of exempt status.[3]
This charity care standard reflected the long-held stance of the IRS (and
centuries of legal precedent in the charitable trust arena) that the “relief of
the poor” constituted a charitable purpose.[4]
Concurrent with Congressional consideration of the
Medicare and Medicaid legislation in the mid-1960’s, however, exempt hospitals
began pushing the IRS for reconsideration of exemption standards.[5]
The common complaint (almost hilarious, in retrospect, for its inaccuracy) was
that between private medical insurance and the “new” Medicare and Medicaid
programs, there simply would not be enough of a demand for charity care to
satisfy the IRS, and hence exemption standards should become more flexible in
order to maintain exempt status for hospitals.[6]
One wonders, of course, why the most appropriate response to these arguments
was not “well, if there isn’t any need for charity care, then there isn’t any
need for exemption,” but young staff attorney with the IRS, Robert Bromberg,
apparently took the complaints of the hospital industry seriously and began
work on a new exemption standard.[7]
This new standard appeared in Rev. Rul. 69-545,[8]
which quickly became known as the “community benefit” standard. This ruling
abandoned charity care as the touchstone of exemption. Instead, citing the law
of charitable trusts, the IRS held that the “promotion of health” for the
general benefit of the community was itself a charitable purpose, even though
some portion of the community, such as indigent patients, were excluded.[9]
Factors that indicated that a hospital met the community benefit test included
a community board, an open medical staff, treatment of Medicare and Medicaid
patients, and operation of an emergency room that provided emergency treatment
to charity patients.[10]
Charity care other than emergency treatment, however, was not required, and in
a 1983 ruling, the IRS held that even hospitals without emergency facilities
could qualify for exemption under the community benefit approach.[11]
Though Rev. Rul. 69-545 implied that offering health
services to all paying patients was sufficient to earn tax exemption, the IRS
subsequently took the position in a series of cases dealing with HMO’s that that
providing health services to all paying patients (including Medicare/Medicaid
patients) is insufficient to justify exemption; rather, some additional “plus”
is needed, such as charity care, health education programs or health research
programs. Courts have recently agreed. The most recent case on this front
involved HMO’s formed by Intermountain Health Care in Utah.[12]
The10th Circuit adopted this “health care plus” formula, denying
exemption to an HMO whose membership was open to everyone in the community,
because the HMO did not have any significant “plus” such as a charity care
program, medical research program or health education program. What “plusses”
will satisfy this test (and more importantly, the amount of resources that must
be dedicated to the “plus”) is still an open question, however.
Problems with Community Benefit
In retrospect, the community benefit standard for
exemption has proven to be an unmitigated disaster both as tax law and as
health care policy. As law, the main problem with the standard is that it
lacks accountability; the standard simply does not require any measurable
difference in behavior from a for-profit entity. Under the 1969 and 1983
rulings, a hospital is eligible for tax exemption if it has a community board,
open medical staff, and treats Medicare/Medicaid patients. None of these
criteria, however, focus on actual performance differences between exempt and
for-profit hospitals – for example, even for-profit health care providers treat
Medicaid patients.[13]
This lack of substantive criteria to differentiate an exempt nonprofit
hospital from a for-profit one is undoubtedly what led the IRS to litigate the
meaning of the standard in HMO cases – after all, if simply treating paying
patients is a charitable purpose, then any for-profit health care provider is a
“charity” under this standard. Yet the recent “health care plus” formulation
of the 10th Circuit doesn’t really add much to what we already
knew. Perhaps it is now clear from the IHC case that simply treating
paying patients isn’t enough to get exemption, but even in 1983 the IRS opined
that “the application of any surplus to improving facilities, equipment,
patient care, and medical training, education, and research, indicate that the
hospital is operating exclusively to benefit the community.”[14]
In short, virtually anything a nonprofit hospital does with surplus funds might
be a community benefit, and even supporters of the community benefit standard
have admitted that definitions of community benefit remain “inconsistent,
narrow, fragmented and only loosely related to the ways in which communities
actually affect the health of their residents.”[15]
What we do know is that many of the behaviors touted
by the nonprofit hospitals community as “community benefits” are really nothing
more than what any good business would do to lure paying customers or stay in
tune with their customer base. Hospitals, for example, claim that community
needs assessments and community health education programs are “community
benefits.” But a community-needs assessment is analogous to market research
regarding what services are in most demand; if a local automobile dealer did a
“community needs assessment” for transportation services, we’d call this a
marketing study. Similarly, many health education and screening programs, such
as a pre-natal care program, are also good business – women who enroll in a
particular hospital’s pre-natal education program are very likely to choose
that hospital for delivery services – which the hospital will make money on.
Finally, the community benefit standard ignores the
fact that taxes paid by for-profit hospitals themselves constitute a major
community benefit. In fact, one academic study noted that if we included the
taxes paid by for-profit hospitals as a community benefit, for-profit hospitals
actually provide more community benefits than their nonprofit
counterparts.[16]
So we are entitled to ask, I think, “What are we
getting for the billions per year that we lose in tax revenues as a result of
exemption?”[17]
The answer to this is that as a legal matter, we are getting nothing specific
other than nonprofit form and a community board. Community benefit does not
provide us with a benchmark against which we can hold nonprofits accountable
for their performance; instead we simply trust nonprofits to do a better job by
virtue of their form.
Now we might be happy with this “trust us” approach if
we really believed that nonprofit form was inherently superior to for-profit
form for the delivery of health services, so that no accountability was needed.
If we believed this, we might simply say that tax-exemption is a way to “buy”
the superior nonprofit form. But there is no reason to believe that is the
case. Empirical studies on quality of care, costs of care, and free care for
the poor show decidedly mixed results, with some studies finding in favor of
nonprofits and others finding in favor of for-profits.[18]
These studies certainly do not prove that nonprofit form is better than
for-profit form; at best, all we can conclude is that nonprofits in some
markets in some measures outperform for-profits, and that in other markets on
other measures, for-profits outperform nonprofits. It is far more likely that
geography, size and market competition affect behavior than simply nonprofit
form. So if we are looking to empirical evidence to justify the “trust me”
approach of community benefit, the evidence simply isn’t there.
As health policy, this lack of accountability also
leads to the inevitable horror stories. In my own back yard, the Illinois
Department of Revenue recently revoked state property tax exemption for Provena-Covenant
Hospital in Urbana, Illinois. The reason was that for some period of time,
Provena essentially hid its charity care program from patients; instead, it had
a policy of billing all patients for services rendered, instituting bill
collection proceedings against them (which in Illinois, permitted the use of
“body attachments” – arresting people if they missed a court date on an
uncollected debt), and then, after all that, if collection efforts were
exhausted and the person still couldn’t pay, the hospital would write off the
bill and call it “charity care.” The most distressing thing about
Provena-Covenant for me as an expert on federal tax exemption is that
throughout this entire ordeal, Provena kept touting in the press reports that
even though the State of Illinois had revoked its property tax exemption, it
still met the standards for exemption under federal tax law – and Provena’s
statement on this point was absolutely correct. From a federal tax
perspective, I think we should be both embarrassed and horrified that an
organization operating the way Provena did nevertheless could legitimately
claim it had met federal exemption standards under the community benefit test.
Alternatives to Community Benefit
If community benefit isn’t the answer, then the
next question concerns what alternatives are available. I think there are
three possibilities, each of which admittedly carry some drawbacks but any of
which are better than our current law.
A. A Strict Charity Care Standard
One alternative to the community benefit standard is
to return to a charity care formula for hospital tax exemption. At least one
state, Texas, has enacted specific charity care standards for exempt
hospitals. A strict charity care approach certainly would provide an
administrable standard of accountability for nonprofit hospitals. In crafting
such a standard, however, a number of practical issues would have to be
resolved. These issues include whether to measure charity care on the basis of
costs or charges, and if on costs, whether to use marginal or average costs;[19]
what the minimum level of charity care would be to justify exemption; whether
that minimum level would have to be in excess of what for-profits write off
each year in bad debt (since presumably this is the baseline of “free care”
that is being provided by the for-profit providers without tax exemption); and
whether nonprofits should have to separate “true” charity care from bad debt in
making a charity care measurement (e.g., whether the measurement should be
total uncompensated care or a more narrow subset of uncompensated care
involving up-front decisions that a patient is a “charity” patient and will not
be charged for service).[20]
These issues are simply matters of policy choices and certainly can be
resolved, but they in fact must be resolved in order for a charity care
standard to work.
In addition, there are some more general policy
questions with respect to a charity care approach. First, since free care has
to be provided by reallocating revenues from other sources, some commentators
argue that this essentially involves a “hidden tax” on paying patients and
3d-party and government insurers. Moreover, this “tax” is being assessed by
private actors (hospitals) instead of through normal democratic processes.[21]
Second, whether charity care is available and how much
is available will be dictated by the local market and the success (or lack
thereof) of hospitals in that market in reallocating revenues from other
sources. Thus availability of care may vary enormously depending on geographic
location.
Third, while a strict charity care standard is a
viable solution to the accountability problem with tax exemption, it should not
be viewed as a total solution to health care for the uninsured poor. Standing
alone, a charity care system administered at the hospital level virtually
assures that the uninsured will not engage in much, if any, preventive care,
and instead will wait until a serious illness compels hospitalization which
then would be “free” under this system.[22]
This behavior would be exactly contrary to the emphasis put on preventive care
by most (if not all) health policy experts. Certainly, having more charity
care is better than having less, but it is not a complete solution to health
care for the uninsured.
B. Replacing Community Benefit with a More
Accountable Standard
A second possibility is to replace the community
benefit standard with something more flexible than the strict charity care
approach, but which has more specific behavioral guidelines that would provide
more accountability than the community benefit standard. For example, the
Catholic Hospital Association once promulgated guidelines for its members
limiting “community benefits” to behavior that would not duplicated by the
for-profit sector.[23]
Another approach along these lines is my recent suggestion that we require
exempt hospitals to focus on a mission of “enhancing access.”[24]
This test would permit exemption when individual health care entities develop a
specific plan for enhancing access to services and demonstrate actual financial
commitment to and execution of such a plan. “Enhancing access” would encompass
not just free or expanded care for the poor, but could also involve providing usual
health services to a medically-underserved population (e.g., an HMO formed to
bring health services to a medically-underserved area) or providing services to
the general population that were previously unavailable or under-provided.
Thus a particular entity that formulated a plan to provide expanded AIDS
treatment (a service identified in empirical work as unprofitable and hence
under-provided) and met minimum financial commitments to such treatment might
be rewarded with exemption. The downside of this approach is that it provides
less clarity and therefore less stringent accountability than a strict charity
care standard. In effect it introduces some “fuzziness” as compared to a
strict charity care standard in order to achieve more flexibility.
C. Repeal the Community Benefit Standard
The final possibility would be to repeal the community
benefit test. Under this alternative, a few hospitals that met other
traditional standards of charity could remain exempt – for example, academic
medical centers would remain exempt as an educational institutions under Code
Section 501(c)(3); and a few organizations such as the Mayo Clinic might be
able to make the case that they are primarily engaged in medical (scientific)
research and hence would be exempt for that purpose. Similarly, a clinic whose
primary purpose was to serve the poor would be exempt as a poor relief
charity. Most private nonprofit hospitals, however, would lose exemption under
this approach, because their primary purpose would not be education, research
or poor relief (rather, their primary purpose is to provide health services for
a fee), but that is not necessarily a bad thing. A number of commentators argue
that our health care system would be better served by taking the money saved
from tax exemption and using it for entity-neutral, direct financial incentives
for certain behavior.[25]
For example, if the problem is health care access for the uninsured poor, the
system might be better off eliminating exemption and taking the revenues
resulting from that decision to expand Medicaid. Or if we believe there is a
problem of access to unprofitable services, we could use the money to provide
direct incentives to all hospitals to provide more such services.
Of course, the downside of such entity-neutral
incentives is that such incentives would be complicated to enact and
administer, requiring agreement by Congress or a duly-delegated agency on the
exact policy initiatives that this approach would subsidize. Because of the
need for national political agreement, the direct incentives approach in the
long run may be less desirable than an approach focused on more specific local
community needs – for example, a particular community might need charity care
more than it needs a burn unit.
Summary
One of the hardest things for human beings to do is to
let go of the past. Prior to WWII, hospitals were essentially homeless
shelters for the poor, often run by religious orders and staffed with
volunteers. Today they are multi-million or in many cases multi-billion-dollar
fee-for-service businesses. The reasons that justified exemption for hospitals
in 1928 simply don’t exist any more, and I think that this Committee should
carefully reconsider whether multi-billion-dollar fee-for-service businesses
should be eligible for tax exemption at all. At the very least, shouldn’t we
replace community benefit with some specific behavioral standard that will provide
accountability and enable us to answer with certainty the question posed
earlier, “What are we getting for our money?”
[1]
Administrative rulings recognizing exemption for hospitals date back to at
least 1928. See I.T. 2421, VII-2 C.B. 150 (1928).
[2]
Rev. Rul. 56-185, 1956-1 C.B. 202, 203.
[3]
While the ruling recognized that this test would be applied on all the facts
and circumstances (and that a low charity care record would not necessarily bar
exemption), IRS auditing agents often denied or revoked exempt status if a
hospital’s charity care was less than 5% of gross revenues. Robert S.
Bromberg, Charity and Change: Current Problems of Tax Exempt Health and
Welfare Organizations in Perspective, inTax
Problems of Nonprofit Organizations 149, 256 (1970); see Hospital
Charity Care and Tax-Exempt Status 1990: Restoring the Commitment and Fairness,
Hearings Before the U.S. House of Representatives, Select Committee on Aging,
102d Cong., 1st Sess. 58 (1990) (Statement of James J. McGovern, IRS
Assistant Chief Counsel).
[4]
E.g., Treas. Reg. § 1.501(c)(3)-1(d)(2), listing “relief of the poor and
distressed” as a charitable purpose. Historically, relief of the poor has been
viewed as a charitable purpose at least since the Elizabethan Statute of
Charitable Uses enacted by the English Parliament in 1601. The preamble to
that statute, which is generally viewed as the “headwaters” of charitable trust
law, listed “relief of aged, impotent and poor people” as an appropriate
charitable purpose. See John D. Colombo and Mark A. Hall, The Charitable Tax Exemption 34 (1995).
[5]
Daniel M. Fox & Daniel C. Schaffer, Tax Administration as Health Policy:
Hospitals, The Internal Revenue Service & the Courts, 16 J. Health Pol., Pol’y & Law 251,
269-70 (1991).
[6]
Id. at 261-62.
[7]Id. Bromberg was not the only lawyer taken with the circular
reasoning advocated by the hospitals (the circularity being that if hospitals
could no longer meet charity care standards of exemption, those standards
needed to change in order to keep hospitals from losing exemption). The D.C.
Circuit Court of Appeals was equally duped. In Eastern Kentucky Welfare
Rights Organization v. Simon, 506 F.2d 1278 (D.C. Cir. 1974), the Court opined
that exemption standards needed to be more flexible because “the rationale upon
which the limited definition of ‘charitable’ was predicated has largely
disappeared.” It apparently never occurred to the court that exemption ought
to disappear, as well, “Gone with the Wind” of charity care.
[8]
1969-2 C.B. 117.
[9]Id. at 118.
[10]
Id.
[11]
Rev. Rul. 83-157, 1983-2 C.B. 94. This ruling noted that specialty hospitals,
such as cancer treatment hospitals, generally could qualify for exemption under
the community benefit approach even though they did not operate emergency
facilities as long as there were other indicia of community benefit “including
a broad of directors drawn from the community, an open medical staff policy,
treatment of persons paying their bills with the aid of public programs like
Medicare and Medicaid, and the application of any surplus to improving
facilities, equipment, patient care, and medical training, education, and
research, indicate that the hospital is operating exclusively to benefit the
community.”
[12]
IHC Health Plans, Inc. v. Comm’r, 325 F.3d 1188 (10th Cir. 2003).
[13]
See, e.g., General Accounting Office Study 04-167, Report On Specialty
Hospitals to the Honorable Bill Thomas, Chairman, Committee on Ways and Means,
House of Representatives, and the Honorable Jerry Kleczka, House of
Representatives, available on-line at http://www.gao.gov/atext/d04167.txt (last
viewed 6/14/2004). This study reported that for-profit specialty hospitals
treated significant numbers of Medicaid patients, though at generally lower
numbers than similar acute-care general hospitals in the same geographic areas.
[14]
Rev. Rul. 83-157, 1983-2 C.B. 94.
[15]
Mark Schlesinger & Bradford Gray, A Broader Vision for Managed Care,
Part 1: Measure the Benefit to Communities, 17 Health Affairs 152, 155 (1998).
[16]
Gary Claxton, et. al., Public Policy Issues in Nonprofit Conversions: An
Overview, Health Affairs,
Mar.-Apr. 1997 at 18.
[17]
Estimates of the revenue loss from tax exemption for nonprofit hospitals vary
somewhat. James Copland and Gabriel Rudney estimated aggregate tax subsidies
to nonprofit hospitals at $8.5 billion annually in 1990. James Copland &
Gabriel Rudney, Federal Tax Subsidies for Not-for-Profit Hospitals, 26 Tax Notes 1559 (1990). These estimates
include not only federal income tax revenues, but also state income and
property tax revenues. In the mid-1990’s William Gentry and John Penrod
estimated the value of tax subsidies for nonprofit hospitals at close to $8
billion. William M. Gentry & John R. Penrod, The Tax Benefits of
Not-for-profit Hospitals, in The
Changing Hospital Industry: Comparing Not-for-Profit and For-Profit Institutions
286 (David M. Culter, ed., 2000).
[18]
One recent summary of the empirical studies is Jack Needleman, The Role of
Nonprofits in Health Care, 26 J.
Health Politics, Policy & Law 1113 (2001). Recent empirical work by
Professor Jill Horwitz at Michigan suggests that nonprofit hospitals are more
likely to provide unprofitable services, such as burn centers or AIDS treatment
centers. Jill R. Horwitz, Why we need the Independent Sector: The Behavior,
Law and Ethics of Not-for-Profit Hospitals, 50 UCLA L. Rev. 1345 (2003). Professor Horwitz admits,
however, that she cannot draw a causal connection between tax exemption and the
observed behavior; it is possible, for example, that her results reflect the
historical fact that hospitals were dominated by the nonprofit form, so that
historically all services were provided in that form. In fact, some empirical
work on nonprofit conversions (e.g., transactions in which nonprofit hospitals
convert to for-profit form) suggest that ownership form is not the controlling
factor in service mix, since service mixes remain stable (e.g., no decline in
unprofitable services) post-conversion. See, e.g., Duke University Center
for Health Policy, Law and Management, A
Guide for Communities Considering Hospital Conversion in the Carolinas
(May 1998) at 19. Moreover, Prof. Horwitz’s report of data in this article
does not indicate what percentage of unprofitable services are offered by
private nonprofit academic medical centers, which would be exempt as
educational institutions even if the community benefit test were repealed. If
this percentage is significant, it would suggest that a primary mission of
teaching/research is a more important factor than ownership form in determining
service mix.
[19]
See generally, John D. Colombo and Mark A. Hall, The Charitable Tax Exemption 55-56 (1995). Compare Gary
Claxton, et. al., supra note 16, at 16 (arguing for average costs) with
David A. Hyman, The Conundrum of Charitability: Reassessing Tax Exemption
for Hospitals, 16 Am. J. L. &
Med. 327, 361 (1990) (arguing for marginal costs). Using charges as a
measure of charity care is patently ridiculous, since hospitals can simply
raise their “rack rate” for hospital services in order to increase their
charity care numbers, knowing that virtually no one would ever pay that rate
given the discount arrangements with insurers.
[20]
Several academics point out that while some bad debt may not be related to the
economic inability of the patient to pay their bills, some certainly is so
related. Gary Claxton, et. al., supra note 16; Nancy M. Kane &
William H Wubbenhorst, Alternative Funding Policies for the Uninsured:
Exploring the Value of Hospital Tax Exemption, 78 Milbank Quarterly 185, 190 (2000). At least some bad debt,
therefore, probably should be included in charity care measurements but how
much is open to debate.
[21]
M. Gregg Bloche, Health Care Below the Waterline, 80 Minn
L. Rev. 299 (1995).
[22]
Bloche, supra note 21; Peter Schuck, Designing Hospital Care
Subsidies for the Poor, in Uncompensated
Hospital Care: Rights and Responsibilities (Frank A. Sloan, et. al.,
eds. 1986).
[23]
The CHA developed five criteria for these kinds of community benefits. These
criteria were (1) they must be financed through philanthropic contributions,
volunteer efforts or endowment; (2) they must respond to a particular or unique
health problem in the community; (3) they generate low or negative margin; (4)
they respond to the needs of special populations, such as minorities, the poor,
the elderly, the disabled, those with AIDS, etc.; and (5) the service or
program likely would be discontinued if the decision were made on a purely
financial basis. See Kane & Wubbenhorst, supra note 20, at 196.
[24]
John D. Colombo, The Role of Access in Charitable Tax Exemption, 82 Wash. U.L.Q. 343 (2005).
[25]
See, Robert C. Clark, Does the Nonprofit Form Fit the Hospital Industry?, 93
Harv. L. Rev. 1416, 1418; Hyman, supra
note 19, at 380.
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