MILLER REPORTING COMPANY, INC
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PRESIDENT'S FISCAL YEAR 2007 BUDGET WITH U.S.
DEPARTMENT OF THE TREASURY SECRETARY JOHN SNOW
HEARING
BEFORE THE
COMMITTEE ON WAYS AND MEANS
U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
ONE HUNDRED NINTH CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION
FEBRUARY 15, 2006
SERIAL 109-53
Printed for the use of the Committee on Ways and Means
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COMMITTEE ON WAYS AND MEANS
BILL THOMAS, California, Chairman
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E. CLAY SHAW, JR., Florida
NANCY L. JOHNSON, Connecticut
WALLY HERGER, California
JIM MCCRERY, Louisiana
DAVE CAMP, Michigan
JIM RAMSTAD, Minnesota
JIM NUSSLE, Iowa
SAM JOHNSON, Texas
PHIL ENGLISH, Pennsylvania
J.D. HAYWORTH, Arizona
JERRY WELLER., Illinois
KENNY C. HULSHOF, Missouri
RON LEWIS, Kentucky
MARK FOLEY, Florida
KEVIN BRADY, Texas
THOMAS M. REYNOLDS, New York
PAUL RYAN, Wisconsin
ERIC CANTOR, Virginia
JOHN LINDER, Georgia
BOB BEAUPREZ, Colorado
MELISSA A. HART, Pennsylvania
CHRIS CHOCOLA, Indiana
DEVIN NUNES, California |
CHARLES B. RANGEL, New York
FORTNEY PETE STARK, California
SANDER M. LEVIN, Michigan
BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland
JIM MCDERMOTT, Washington
JOHN LEWIS, Georgia
RICHARD E. NEAL, Massachusetts
MICHAEL R. MCNULTY, New York
WILLIAM J. JEFFERSON, Louisiana
JOHN S. TANNER, Tennessee
XAVIER BECERRA, California
LLOYD DOGGETT, Texas
EARL POMEROY, North Dakota
STEPHANIE TUBBS JONES, Ohio
MIKE THOMPSON, California
JOHN B. LARSON, Connecticut
RAHM EMANUEL, Illinois |
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Allison H. Giles, Chief of Staff
Janice Mays, Minority Chief Counsel
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hearing records of the Committee on Ways and Means are also published in
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C O N T E N T S
Advisory of
January 31, 2006 announcing the hearing
WITNESS
U.S. Department of the Treasury, Hon. John Snow,
Secretary
SUBMISSIONS FOR THE RECORD
Advanced Medical Technology Association (AdvaMed), statement
PRESIDENT'S FISCAL YEAR 2007 BUDGET WITH U.S. DEPARTMENT OF
THE TREASURY SECRETARY JOHN SNOW
Wednesday, February 15, 2006
U.S. House of Representatives, Committee on Ways and Means,
Washington, DC.
The Committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:35 a.m., in room 1100, Longworth House Office Building, Hon.
Bill Thomas (Chairman of the Committee) presiding.
[The
advisory announcing the hearing follow:]
Chairman THOMAS. Good morning. This is the third in a
series of hearings examining President Bush's proposed budget for fiscal year
2007. The Chair would like to welcome Secretary John Snow of the United States
Treasury Department.
As the Secretary knows, we were scheduled to hold this
hearing last Tuesday, but the hearing was quite properly postponed due to the
funeral of Coretta Scott King. Mr. Secretary, we thank you for accommodating
our schedule and look forward to your testimony.
As the President noted in his address to the Nation last
month, the economy is growing at a very healthy rate. The economy created 2
million jobs last year. Average economic growth for the year was 3.1 percent.
Unemployment is down to its lowest level since pre‑9/11, 4‑7 percent.
Inflation remains contained.
Due to the strong growth in the economy, tax receipts in
the past 2 years have been increasing faster than expected. The Chair believes
timely tax relief enacted in recent years‑‑and I believe many
prominent economists agree‑‑has been an important contributing
factor to this growth.
While this hearing is geared to look to the future and the
next budget, I want to note that the House and the Senate are now in conference
on a tax reconciliation package which would maintain tax policies that have
helped keep the United States economy strong. Congress is also working on a
bill to strengthen the security of Americans' pension plans, but the Senate has
not yet seen fit to do the necessary procedures to reach conferenceable level.
The President's fiscal year 2007 budget proposal continues
to focus on deficit reduction. Last week, the President signed the Deficit
Reduction Act. I look forward to hearing about some of the President's
proposals from you, Mr. Secretary, on how we can continue this trend of fiscal
responsibility.
Before I turn to the gentleman from New York, the Chair
would like to advise members that immediately following this hearing, we will
be marking up the views and estimates letter to the Budget Committee on aspects
of the Federal budget that fall within the Committee's jurisdiction.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New York for any
comments he may wish to make.
[The opening statement of
Chairman Thomas follows:]
Mr. RANGEL. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Secretary, let me first publicly thank you for the many
courtesies that you have extended to me by giving me some type of heads up as
to things that the administration is considering doing. I am not used to it
here in the House, and so I appreciated even more the fact that the President
indicated that he was really looking forward to a less partisan approach to
some of the programs that he was proposing. So I hope if time permits‑‑and
I know your schedule is limited‑‑that you might go directly to the
tax conference that we expect to have where the Senate appears to have said
that they want tax cuts to include the alternative minimum tax as well as the
corporate dividend and capital gain tax cuts. The President said that he
wants that to be made permanent, and if possible, I would like to know what
direction you might give the conferees.
I am pretty confident that I will be selected as a
conferee. I am not certain I will know where the conference will be held.
Also, there is a concern about the report that you received
as relates to tax reform. I hope you might include what, if anything, you
intend to do with that.
The President seemed to have revisited Social Security, and
he is referring that to some type of a Committee or commission or something
that I assume would look like it is bipartisan. To the extent that you
can, we would like some help with that.
Of course, everyone is concerned about the deficit, and I
am certain that you believe that is no major problem to the United States. But
I do not know whether you can do anything with this partisanship that we have.
But it is abundantly clear that you should not expect Democrats just to support
anything that is given to us. To the extent possible‑‑and I
know you are restricted, being in the executive branch‑‑it would be
helpful if you can make some suggestions as to those areas that we may have
agreement how we can be supportive on at least some of the things that the
President would want.
Thank you once again for adjusting your schedule to meet
with us.
Chairman THOMAS. I thank the gentleman.
Any member that may have a written statement can place it
in the record, without objection.
Mr. Secretary, we have received your written statement, and
without objection, it will be placed in the record, and you can address us any
way you see fit.
STATEMENT OF HON. JOHN SNOW, SECRETARY, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF
THE TREASURY
Secretary SNOW. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I
will be brief.
It is always an honor and a privilege to appear before the
Committee on Ways and Means, the Committee that has such effect on the lives of
our country and means so much to the well‑being of our country. I
commend you for the work you do on this Committee.
This is, Mr. Chairman, my fourth appearance before you. I
thank Mr. Rangel for his comments. I would comment that appearing here
today is far different than when I appeared 3 years ago. Today, as you noted,
Mr. Chairman, the economy is on a good path. Then it wasn't. Then growth was
sluggish, capital spending was anemic, jobs were not being created at a
sufficient rate. Today we have the other side of that. Today we have an
economy that is growing an expanding. We have business confidence high. We
have consumer confidence high. We have capital spending strong, and we have
lots of good jobs being created, and we are seeing real wages rise. We are
also seeing Government revenues rise to the highest level in American history.
I would urge you to continue to sustain the policies,
support the policies that have made this possible, and at the center of those
policies are the lower tax rates on capital and dividends that were enacted,
Mr. Chairman, very much with your leadership back in May of 2003.
The lower tax rates that were put in effect then have
really put the American economy on the right path. They are at the center of
this strong recovery we are enjoying, and it is awfully important to sustain
that lower tax environment.
The President's budget reflects his commitment to do just
that, to keep the American economy growing and expanding. It also reflects the
commitment to bringing the deficit down. We are all concerned about the
deficit, but there are only two ways to deal with the deficit: one is to
continue to have a strong, growing, expanding economy, creating more jobs and
profitable businesses because that raises the tax receipts to the Government;
and, of course, the other side of the equation is to continue to be tightly
attuned to controlling spending, spending constraint. Both of those ideas are
embraced in the President's budget, along with the priorities of homeland
security and prosecuting the war on terror effectively.
With that, Mr. Chairman, I again thank you for the
opportunity to appear before you and look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of
Secretary Snow
follows:]
Chairman THOMAS. Thank you, Mr. Secretary, and the Chair
is acutely aware of the truncated nature of this particular hearing. We
usually have the privilege of an open‑ended hearing with you. Later this
afternoon we will have the United States Trade Representative, our former
colleague, Mr. Portman. Because of that, the Chair will indicate, with the
acceptance of the other members on the majority side, that the Chair will go in
reverse order and that the Chair would then recognize the gentleman from
California, Mr. Nunes.
Mr. NUNES. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. It is a pleasure to
get to go first for a change. Normally‑‑
Chairman THOMAS. The gentleman is on the clock.
[Laughter.]
Mr. NUNES. Normally, Mr. Secretary, by the time it gets
to me, this Committee room is empty, and you and I would be the only ones left
here with the Chairman.
One of the attacks that I have heard over and over again is
that the tax cuts have increased the budget deficit. I think it is
important for the American people to hear this time and time again because I do
not think they hear it enough: that, in fact, the numbers and the projections
that you have given is that the tax cuts have actually decreased the size of
the deficit. I wondered if you could talk about this again because I think
it is important for the American people to hear this, that, in fact, the tax
cuts have increased revenue to the Federal Government.
Secretary SNOW. Congressman Nunes, when the tax cuts,
the tax relief of 2003, were being proposed, we saw the tax revenues of the
United States in a steep decline. Today, we see them in a steep ascendancy,
and the tax revenues of the United States are today higher than they have ever
been at any time in our history, and the reason is the economy is growing and
expanding. The economy is performing well.
Mr. NUNES. But despite the tax cuts, tax revenue is
higher than it has ever been in our history.
Secretary SNOW. I think what we have demonstrated here
is that lower tax rates are consistent with more tax revenue.
Mr. NUNES. How important is the extension of the
capital gains tax cut to this continued growth in revenue?
Secretary SNOW. It is absolutely essential. It is
absolutely essential because what the lower rates on invested capital did was
to promote investment. When you get higher investment, you get businesses
hiring and creating jobs, and you get stronger labor market conditions.
Mr. NUNES. I think you also have people who are
making business decisions now based on‑‑and I think they are
worried about what the capital gains tax is going to be. So I think it is
important that this Committee act on enacting these as quickly as possible.
Secretary SNOW. Failure to do so can only have a
negative effect.
Mr. NUNES. Right. I want to talk a little bit about
Medicare Part D because there is a lot of misnomers out there in the world and
in my local press back home that Medicare Part D has been a disaster. But I
have another opinion on that. I think if you look at it now, it is 20 percent
less in terms of the spending that is actually taking place. We went from a
projected $38 billion in spending on Medicare Part D to about $30 billion, and
that is the projection for 2006. In fact, despite everything that you
hear about Medicare Part D, my office in California has not received any calls
with complaints on Medicare Part D. We have had some questions, but we have
not taken any calls from people who had a serious problem with Medicare Part D.
Could you talk about the current projections and future
projections for Medicare Part D?
Secretary SNOW. Yes, Congressman Nunes, I can. There
were clearly some start‑up issues in some places, but most people, most
seniors, found that things went fairly smoothly, and they are now enjoying
benefits they did not have before. Millions of Americans have access to
prescription drugs through Medicare that did not have it before, and a
testimony to the power of markets and competition, the cost is lower than the
original‑‑by 20 percent, as you said, than the original estimates.
Secretary Leavitt and his colleagues are working to clear
up the remaining problems, but in talking to him recently, he was confident
that the projections of reaching some 28 to 30 million new people covered by
the program would be achieved.
Mr. NUNES. The final question that I will talk about is
last year the President made a strong attempt to fix Social Security for the
long term, and I was very disappointed at the State of the Union address when
the President discussed Social Security and it seemed to be fixed and that the
Congress had failed to act and you saw the minority party stand up in unison
and cheer that, in fact, we had not fixed Social Security.
My first Committee hearing here in the Ways and Means room,
we sat through several people who had spoken about ideas and plans to fix
Social Security long term, and the minority criticized nearly every person that
was up there discussing possible fixed for Social Security.
I have been disappointed in that, and I hope that the
American people realize and I know you realize that Social Security is going
broke. Could you just discuss the future of Social Security‑‑
Chairman THOMAS. The Chair will indicate that any
questions that run over the time, the Chair would hope that the Secretary would
respond in writing. It will be more difficult for members because our
electronic timing is not working. But I can assure those junior members who
only know digital time there are ways to tell time.
[Laughter.]
Chairman THOMAS. That is not tied to some electric
structure.
Mr. NUNES. Mr. Chairman, I am used to the colors, and I
didn't see the‑‑
Chairman THOMAS. I understand that it just went red if
that will help you. The Chair has the time here, and the gentleman from
New York and I are practicing what we first learned in terms of the big hand
and the little hand.
[Laughter.]
Mr. NUNES. Thank you, Mr. Secretary. Thank you, Mr.
Chairman. I yield back.
Chairman THOMAS. The gentleman's time has expired.
The ranking member informs me that to facilitate movement
on their side of the aisle, he has requested and my assumption is it has been
cleared with his members, they will each have 2‑1/2 minutes and we will
take two members at a time so that we would accommodate two members within each
5‑minute window.
Does the gentleman want a show of hands?
Mr. RANGEL. I don't think so. Then we would have
the opportunity to come back again, but it will give us‑‑
Chairman THOMAS. Maybe. The gentleman from New York is
recognized under his rules.
Mr. RANGEL. Thank you, and we will have somebody check
the clock, you know, to see whether or not it‑‑
Chairman THOMAS. We can always vote on it.
Mr. RANGEL. Okay. Mr. Secretary, could you share how
many people would get a tax increase this year and how much that would be if we
did not improve the alternative minimum tax? Have you got any idea of the
impact of not doing anything on the alternative minimum tax?
Secretary SNOW. Oh, yes, Mr. Rangel. I think the number
is very sizable. We very much support‑‑the administration very
much supports addressing that issue this year. It is 18 million or so. It is
a very large number.
Mr. RANGEL. If we don't do the capital gains cut or
the corporate dividend cut, how many people would receive a tax increase?
Secretary SNOW. The number there‑‑let me
see.
Mr. RANGEL. I would gather it would be none since it
does not expire until 2008.
Secretary SNOW. Well, in that sense, yes, but‑‑
Mr. RANGEL. Well, that is the sense that I am talking
about, is that I would hope that Treasury would‑‑you see, the
Chairman believes that I am trying to help just the rich people in the United
States by supporting very strongly the alternative minimum tax and trying to
give a priority over the others. What is your opinion about the priority, or
the President's opinion?
Secretary SNOW. Well, I think clearly sustaining the‑‑extending
the dividend and cap gains cuts are critical.
Mr. RANGEL. No question about that, but in terms of
priority and the limited scope that we have to work with, what would the
priority be of you and‑‑
Secretary SNOW. Well, I would do both. I think that
both‑‑
Mr. RANGEL. You support the Senate's position that both should
be done?
Secretary SNOW. I think both. I think it is important
to do both, yes.
Mr. RANGEL. You would advise the conferees to do both?
Secretary SNOW. Well, I would certainly think Congress
needs to get both done this year, yes.
Mr. RANGEL. Then you would advise the conferees‑‑would
you suggest to them how they could pay for it since the President wants these
things permanent?
Secretary SNOW. Well, these come in within the
President's budget numbers.
Mr. RANGEL. Okay. I don't think they do.
Mr. Stark, I yield 2‑1/2 minutes.
Mr. STARK. Thank you, Chair, and welcome, Mr. Secretary.
Mr. Secretary, I wanted to follow up on an issue on health
care. On page 8 of your testimony you herald the coming of health savings
accounts, and you suggest that it will make health care more affordable, and
you say we need to lower health care costs. You say that HSAs are an
important innovation that will significantly reduce the cost of health
insurance purchased by individuals.
Now, we checked this out with Mr. Bolten and Secretary
Leavitt, and they both concur that in your budget, you spend $156 billion over
10 years on health savings accounts. That is the lost revenue and some minor
distribution on outlays.
So, we have that in writing. You are going to spend $156
billion over 10 years for the health savings accounts. But nowhere can we find
any health care savings.
You claim that it is more affordable and that the costs
will go down, but if that were the case, it would show up in the budget in
increased revenues because of savings to employers. So, can you tell me what
cost savings there are and where you have any figures that indicate that in
your budget?
Secretary SNOW. Mr. Stark, the savings will come to
millions of people‑‑
Mr. STARK. Stop. Mr. Secretary, expenses are in the
budget, and they are clearly defined. Something, faith‑based savings in
the long‑distant future you and I may not be around to see. What, if
any, savings are in your budget as a result of the $156 billion expenditures?
Secretary SNOW. Congressman, as I was saying, the
savings show up in the improvements in the overall health care system in the
coverage of millions of people who otherwise wouldn't have access to low‑cost
health care coverage. That is a real‑‑
Mr. STARK. That is just shifting costs, Mr. Secretary.
That is not‑‑where does it‑‑if there are savings of any
more than $100, it has to show up in your budget. Where is it?
Secretary SNOW. Well, the savings will be for that small
business that cannot afford to make health care available today who, because of
the tax advantage of health savings accounts‑‑
Mr. STARK. Then he would pay more in taxes, wouldn't he,
that small business, and it would show up in your budget. Come on. Where are
the savings?
Secretary SNOW. The savings, as I say, are in the
budgets of millions of families all across‑‑
Mr. STARK. But they are not in your budget, are they?
Chairman THOMAS. The gentleman's time‑‑
Secretary SNOW. The important thing is to improve health
care.
Chairman THOMAS. ‑‑has expired.
The Chair is wondering if that is a call for dynamic
scoring, but that will be left to other questioners to clarify that.
Does the gentleman from Indiana wish to inquire?
Mr. CHOCOLA. Yes, I do. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank
you, Mr. Secretary, for being here.
Last week, OMB Director Josh Bolten was here testifying
before the Committee, and he talked about the fact that the growth in
entitlement spending is one of the greatest challenges our country faces in the
future. I think that in order to solve a problem, we have to find a way to
define the problem, and like you, I used to work for a publicly traded company,
and we had extensive reporting and disclosure requirements of our unfunded long‑term
liabilities for transparency and planning purposes.
Do you think it would be helpful for us to face up to these
challenges by clearly stating what the unfunded liabilities of the Federal
Government are? Some estimate it is in excess of $43 trillion. Do you
think that the there's annual financial report of the Federal Government would
be a good place to include such a statement?
Secretary SNOW. Yes, I do. I think we need more
transparency on these unfunded obligations going forward. They are reflected
to some degree in the Trustees' Report of Social Security and the Trustees'
Report of the Medicare and Medicaid systems.
Mr. CHOCOLA. Going back to your previous life in the
public company setting, we used to go through budget processes, and division
managers would come in, and we would have discussions about actual cuts in
spending. There would always be complaints and we were always going to
lose all our customers, we were going to lose all our employees, the business
was going to fail. But what we found, when we found ways to do more with less,
we actually improved our customer service, we improved our products, we improved
the financial shape of the business and the security of the employees.
When we go through these budget discussions at the
Government level, when we have smaller increases, we hear those same cries of
despair.
Do you think Government is so different that we cannot
actually spend money better, have better Government at a lower cost, especially
when it comes to entitlement spending?
Secretary SNOW. Oh, absolutely not, Congressman. I
think we have the capacity to manage better in Government. I know we are
trying to do that. I think these programs can be managed better, and that is
the premise of the President's budget. It is to streamline and manage better
and give better results to the taxpayers for their expenditures.
Mr. CHOCOLA. Again, going back to OMB Director Josh
Bolten's testimony‑‑I think you had an op‑ed in the Wall
Street Journal today‑‑he had one last week where he again talked
about entitlement spending. In fact, his quote was, "No plausible amount
of tax increases could possibly close the enormous gap that will be created by
the unsustainable growth in entitlement programs."
Do you agree with that?
Secretary SNOW. Oh, absolutely. Absolutely. The
consequences on the economy of trying to borrow our way through that or raise taxes
to cover those expenditures would be devastating.
Mr. CHOCOLA. If we do nothing to effectively address the
growth in entitlement spending in the near future, what would you estimate the
long‑term consequences of that would be?
Secretary SNOW. Well, Congressman, I don't think we
would ever let that happen. As I think it was Winston Churchill once said,
"America always gets it right after it has tried everything else."
I think we will find a way through this. That is one
reason for the bipartisan commission on Medicare and Medicaid and Social
Security and aging and retirement that the President proposed in his State of
the Union. We just have to find an answer to this. We cannot allow those
consequences to occur.
Mr. CHOCOLA. So, you think it is our responsibility to
stay focused on this, and we would not be doing our responsibility to the
American people and future generations if we don't act seriously with reform
measures in the near future?
Secretary SNOW. Congressman, I agree with you. All of
us in public life, in Congress and in the administration, have that obligation.
Mr. CHOCOLA. Thank you, Mr. Secretary.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back.
Chairman THOMAS. The gentlewoman from Pennsylvania.
Ms. HART. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Thank you, Mr. Secretary, for being with us again. I want
to commend your office for putting out information immediately when the health
savings account law went into place. We spent a significant amount of time
distributing information to employers and some small business people who were
looking to try to accommodate both themselves and some of their employees by
providing HSAs. We saw some statistics that show that I think 37 percent of
the purchasers of HSA had previously been uninsured. The Employee Benefits
Research Institute noted that a third of the people with HSAs have household
incomes of less than $50,000. These numbers are actually flying in the face of
what the naysayers said about HSAs.
Could you talk to me a little bit more about what we see as
the prospect with some of the changes the President has proposed for future
success of the HSA and how that will help to impact health care costs?
Secretary SNOW. Yes, Congresswoman Hart. The argument
against the HSAs is that they are for the wealthy and the young, the healthy.
The argument against the HSAs is that they are not fair, they somehow represent
a threat to the established employer‑based health care system, and that
they won't be taken advantage of by lower‑income people and by people in
lower‑income categories.
The evidence just plain does not support that. All the
evidence we have seen, in fact, points in the other direction. The numbers I
have got indicate that some 42 percent of all the HSA plan purchases are with
people with earnings of less than $50,000. That is not the rich and the
wealthy of America. Forty‑five percent are at least 40 years old.
Something like 25 percent are‑‑
Ms. HART. Not that 40 is old, Mr. Secretary, but‑‑
Secretary SNOW. No, but they are not 21.
Ms. HART. Right, and that is what we were told by the
naysayers when we first passed the law.
Secretary SNOW. And 20 percent are at least 50. So, what
we are getting here‑‑and one‑third, I think‑‑one‑third,
a number approaching one‑third or around one‑third‑‑did
not have insurance before. So, clearly, these HSAs are meeting a real
marketplace need.
Ms. HART. That having been said, we are encouraged
obviously by that because we are helping to cover some people who were
uninsured and what we thought about sort of freeing up the insurance market and
providing different opportunities for product is a good thing, obviously, for
the American people. But the concern about‑‑and we discussed it
initially when we were looking at the law, when we were writing the law, that
HSAs could also exert downward pressure on health care costs. Have we seen any
of that at this point? Or is that something that we think we will see a little
bit more of in the future?
Secretary SNOW. The experience is still fairly fresh,
but the evidence I have seen suggests that the premiums are rising more slowly
for HSA policies than they are for general health care insurance policies,
which does suggest that the HSAs will help to hold down health care costs in
the future, yes.
Ms. HART. With the changes that the President announced,
how do you think that will improve the product and people's participation in
purchasing them?
Secretary SNOW. I think it is going to be very positive
for the HSAs because what it does is raise the contribution limits. It is
targeted‑‑the changes are targeted on lower‑income and middle‑income
people by making the payment of the premiums an above‑the‑line tax
deduction, by taking payroll taxes, and providing a credit for payroll taxes on
the HSAs. Payroll taxes are generally thought to be quite regressive, so if
you get a credit for payroll taxes, you are making the system more progressive.
I think it is going to lead to millions of Americans who today
cannot afford health care, people who are working for small businesses where
the small business employer cannot afford to make the policy available.
Millions of self‑employed people who cannot quite afford it will now find
that it is affordable, and the refundability feature will make it available to
many lower‑income people.
Ms. HART. Actually, that point you made about small
business people and entrepreneurs is the one I think that is key for the
communities I represent. I spent all January hearing about that issue, so
thank you for that, and we will work with you to make sure this happens.
Secretary SNOW. Thank you.
Chairman THOMAS. Does the gentleman from Michigan wish
to inquire?
Mr. LEVIN. Thank you.
Welcome Mr. Secretary. On page 4, you talk about the
increase in jobs, 4.7 million since May of 2003. Do you know how many
manufacturing jobs have been lost in this country since May of 2003?
Secretary SNOW. Yes, Congressman. We have lost
manufacturing jobs over that period, and for a long period, regrettably, before
that.
Mr. LEVIN. But do you know how many?
Secretary SNOW. Yes, I think it is well over a million.
Mr. LEVIN. Since May of 2003? It is large.
Secretary SNOW. It is large.
Mr. LEVIN. I think the total loss since 2000 is about 3
million. Of that, since May 2003, it has been about 335,000. We have lost
that many manufacturing jobs. You described this rosy scenario, Mr.
Secretary. I wish you would also talk about the less rosy scenario for
families.
In that regard, I want to ask you, earlier in your
testimony you laud the program cuts, 141 program cuts. Let me just read to you
a list of those that are cut or eliminated and ask if you support that.
Cuts in funding for the National Cancer Institute, do you support
those cuts?
Secretary SNOW. I support the President's budget.
Mr. LEVIN. Those cuts are in the budget, so you support
those cuts.
All right. I was at a meeting yesterday, 750 people
working on anti‑drug programs. There was reference to the elimination of
grants for the Safe and Drug‑Free Schools program, $347 million. So, you
support that because you support the administration's position.
Vocational education cut $1.3 billion. You want to comment
on that? You support that, too?
Secretary SNOW. That is part of the President's budget.
Mr. LEVIN. Okay. Clean Water, which is of such concern
in our State and many others, a reduction in the revolving fund program by $199
million. This is for water projects. You support that also.
Secretary SNOW. I support the President's budget, which
has that, but much more in it as well, Congressman.
Mr. LEVIN. The manufacturing education partnership,
that is cut $55 million. You support that also. All right. I think that is
part of the problem, Mr. Secretary. Thank you. Mr. Cardin is going to take
the over 2‑1/2.
Mr. CARDIN. Mr. Secretary, the Chairman indicated that
Ambassador Portman will be with us this afternoon, and every time I asked him
about China and currency, he says I have to ask you. So, let me ask you the
question.
The trade imbalance has been reported for 2005 at $726
billion, about $200 billion with China. We know that China ties its currency
to the U.S. dollar, which does not allow it to seek its true economic level.
We know that China made a commitment on July 21st, 7 months
ago, to allow its currency to be increased by 2.1 percent, a modest, very
modest amount, certainly not anywhere near the discount that we believe is
somewhere between 15 and 20 percent‑‑15 percent and 40 percent,
excuse me, and that the appreciation has been but 0.6 percent since they made
their announcement. So, U.S. producers and manufacturers and farmers are
fighting an uphill battle based upon the value of the Chinese currency.
We put on top of that the dependency upon the China
currency ourselves. They buy U.S. dollars. They now have a foreign currency
amount in about‑‑the dollars I have now is that they are over $800
billion in holding foreign currency.
So, the question becomes: What are we doing about it? What
steps are we taking in order to become less dependent upon Chinese buying U.S.
dollars? What are we doing to get the exchange at a fair rate?
Secretary SNOW. Congressman, we are disappointed there
has not been more progress in this arena. As you know, I have had a number of
trips to Beijing, many consultations with counterparts in the Government of the
Republic of China. They did make the step of delinking, but since then there
has been inadequate movement. We remain committed to getting movement. We
need to see movement. We are disappointed in the failure to get movement. We are going to continue to press them. Now‑‑
Mr. CARDIN. I just hope we have a time schedule. You do
not have to announce it to me today, but I do hope we have a time schedule as
to when our patience runs out.
Secretary SNOW. We are not satisfied.
Chairman THOMAS. Does the gentleman from Colorado wish
to inquire?
Mr. BEAUPREZ. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Secretary Snow, great to have you here again. I actually
want to follow a little bit the line that was established by the gentleman from
California, Mr. Stark. I am looking at a press report, National Review Online,
that highlights this issue of capital gains, revenue receives from capital
gains and actually going back to projections made in 2003 prior to the tax cuts
that estimated in 2004 and 2005 we anticipated under the old revenue mechanism,
standard, that we would have received at the Federal Treasury about $125
billion over those 2 years, 2004 and 2005. We, of course, cut the tax rate,
and it was estimated that there would be, in the gentleman from California's
words, lost revenue of about $27 billion.
What we actually found out, apparently, is that instead of
the original estimate of $125 billion, the revised estimate downward of $98
billion, we actually have received in your Federal Treasury, our Federal
Treasury, a combined $151 billion or a net gain of about $53 billion from that
lost revenue number.
Do you care to opine on that?
Secretary SNOW. Well, I have learned to be modest in
making revenue projections, but what the experience of the last 3 years
suggests is something the Chairman alluded to, and that is that when you get
the American economy performing better, you get the macroeconomic variables of
jobs and GDP and employment rising, it has a powerful effect on the Federal
revenue stream, the Government receipts stream. We have seen this play
out, and we frankly underestimated the power of the strengthening of the economy
on the Government receipts stream.
Mr. BEAUPREZ. Well, for purposes of this Committee and
Congress's, I guess, obligations, it raises that whole issue of dynamic scoring
that we talk about, and I also noticed in some of the materials that have come
to us on behalf of this budget, that under your direction, under the Treasury's
direction, you are proposing a dynamic analysis division within Treasury. I am
intrigued by that idea and would love to hear from you about that.
Secretary SNOW. Congressman, what that involves is
creating the capacity inside the Treasury Department to understand how changes,
big changes in the Code, like changes on marginal tax rates or changes in
corporate tax rates or changes in cap gains and dividends rates, affect the
whole economy. Once we can get a better connection between big tax changes
and the whole economy, then we can go to what I think we all want to be and
having a better understanding of how to score those changes for revenue
purposes.
I think we will find, if we do this analytically, that we
are going to have bigger playbacks, feedbacks into the revenue stream of the
Federal Government than we have probably foreseen in the past.
Mr. BEAUPREZ. Well, in the private sector, I certainly
put together a few budgets myself in my past lives, and we always used
something that resembled the dynamic scoring theory in trying to project ahead
if we make investment today, what the revenue results of that investment might
be tomorrow and in the out‑years. So, that makes perfect sense to me.
In the time I have got remaining I want to inquire about
maybe another issue, and it relates really to your op‑ed in the Wall
Street Journal, which I have read, that I think is in today's paper. You say
in there that, according to the Securities Industry Association, people that
are actually investing in equities are typically middle‑class persons
saving for retirement with a household income of about $65,000 annually. You
got on later to say that about 91 million Americans actually own equities.
Here is my question: I am looking at another table that
says that about 96 percent of the income tax actually paid in this country is
paid by 50 percent of the people that file tax returns, or a little over 64
million tax returns‑‑some of those joint returns, I am sure‑‑with
an adjusted gross income over $28,000.
I am going to guess then that most of the people that are
paying the freight in this country also own equities.
Secretary SNOW. Yes, you are right. You are correct.
Chairman THOMAS. The gentleman's time has expired.
Mr. BEAUPREZ. Thank you, Mr. Secretary.
Chairman THOMAS. The gentleman from Georgia.
Mr. LINDER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Secretary, nice to see you again. Thanks for coming.
I want to move a little bit further on the dynamic scoring. On the weekend
after Thanksgiving this past year, Wal‑Mart, which knows something about
retailing, cut their prices 10 percent across the board. If they had been in
Government, they would have had everybody jumping up and down saying you are
going to lose 10 percent of your revenues and more than percentage of your
profits. But it didn't happen that way. Why can't you just call in some of
those folks who have been doing this throughout their lives? I can just imagine
a Vice President for Government Affairs telling the CEO of Wal‑Mart you
are going to lose 10 percent of your revenues, and the Wal‑Mart guy
looking at him saying, "Son, we have been doing this a long time. You can
go back to Washington."
Why can't you bring in some of those folks and see what
they do?
Secretary SNOW. Well, Mr. Linder, the point you are
making is a good one. There clearly is a feedback cycle between investments
and revenues in the private sector, and in the public sector there is a
feedback cycle between lower tax rates, a larger economy, and the Government
revenue stream.
What we don't yet have is the ability to quantify that
sufficiently, and what we want to do is put ourselves in the position to be
able to do just that. I agree with you. I agree with you.
Mr. LINDER. You mentioned in your statement that Tax
Code reform remains a priority for this President. We did not hear him mention
in the last State of the Union address. You mentioned to me privately up here
that there was going to be an aggressive pursuit. Can we have a rough idea of
when that might happen?
Secretary SNOW. We are not putting ourselves under any
artificial timeline. What we are doing, though, at the Treasury is carefully
considering all options, including, I must say, your well‑thought‑through
proposal, along with others, and the tax panel's recommendations to us.
You only get to do tax reform about once every 20 years.
You know, in my lifetime it was JFK in the early 1960s, and then it was Ronald
Reagan in the mid‑1980s, and now it is George Bush in the first decades
of the 2000s, a new century.
We have got to make sure we do it right, and I have told
the President and told the White House we are going to work on this very hard
and we are going to send him our very best thinking, but without any artificial
timeline on it.
Mr. LINDER. China has been raised here recently during
this hearing, and because most nations that float their currencies wash out the
relative tax components within the price system at the borders in the currency
exchanges, if we wanted a pure consumption tax with no tax on income at all,
China would either have to float its currency or suffer a 22‑percent
legal WTO‑compliant tariff vis‑a‑vis the United States. Are
we looking at that?
Secretary SNOW. Yes, we are looking at the whole idea of
border adjustability, the relationship between flexibility of rates and taxes.
All of that is part of this broad review that we are doing, very much.
Mr. LINDER. Thank you, Mr. Secretary.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back.
Mr. SHAW. [Presiding.] Mr. McDermott?
Mr. MCDERMOTT. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Snow, every couple years you come up here with another
fraudulent proposal from the President. This HSA proposal is about as
fraudulent one as I have ever seen.
Now, you say you have evidence‑‑at page 8, you
say, "The President's proposal is projected to increase the number of HSAs
from the current projected 14 million to 21 million." Where did the study
come from? Who did it? Did Treasury do it?
Secretary SNOW. Congressman, that work is a combination
of places inside the executive branch.
Mr. MCDERMOTT. Did you look at the study and okay it?
Secretary SNOW. People‑‑
Mr. MCDERMOTT. You are not calling it a Treasury study.
Secretary SNOW. Right.
Mr. MCDERMOTT. You are just saying it is sort of‑‑
Secretary SNOW. You know, the‑‑
Mr. MCDERMOTT. How do I get a hold of it?
Secretary SNOW. Well, there are people‑‑you
know, the competence on this subject isn't entirely within the Treasury. There
is some competence at the Department of Health and Human‑‑
Mr. MCDERMOTT. But you are making the proposal, and‑‑
Secretary SNOW. Yes.
Mr. MCDERMOTT. ‑‑it is going to have an
impact on the budget of this country and on the individual budgets of
Americans.
We watched what happened with 401(k)s, and what every
employer did was drop his guaranteed benefit program and give an HSA to people‑‑or,
excuse me, a 401(k). The same is going to happen here. If you have read the
Wall Street Journal article a couple of weeks ago, they say: I think what
employers are really after is that they are moving the risk from their balance
sheet to the employees.
Do you disagree with that statement?
Secretary SNOW. Oh, absolutely.
Mr. MCDERMOTT. You think‑‑what is there that
is going to require employers to stay giving the benefit package they are
giving today?
Secretary SNOW. The desire to attract and retain their
workforce?
Mr. MCDERMOTT. But you have no studies that make any
estimate of how many people are being moved one way or another in this process?
Secretary SNOW. Well, we have‑‑as I said, we
do have an estimate. Treasury has done an estimate of the‑‑
Mr. MCDERMOTT. A written estimate where I can look at
the parameters?
Secretary SNOW. Well, I think to make an estimate we
would have to write it down somewhere and run the math on it.
Mr. MCDERMOTT. Why don't you make it available to us.
Mr. Chairman, I ask that it be made available to the Committee, and also that
we put into the record, I ask unanimous consent, the Wall Street Journal
article.
[The article follows:]
February 3, 2006Health Accounts
Have Benefits
For Employers
By THEO FRANCIS and ELLEN E. SCHULTZ, Staff Reporters of THE WALL STREET JOURNAL; Page B1
Amid the debate over whether health-savings accounts
will fix America's health-care problems, another important effect has
received less notice: The accounts are generating savings on payroll
taxes for companies that adopt them, and they could hasten a shift of
health-care costs from companies to employees.
Trade groups cheered President Bush's call in his State
of the Union address Tuesday to expand key elements of health-savings
accounts, or HSAs. The president's proposals could make it more
attractive for millions of people to sign up for HSAs, either on their
own or at the growing number of companies that are adopting them.
The growing acceptance of HSAs accelerates a transition
in health-care benefits, from employers providing a safety net to
employees taking on more risk. The shift parallels a similar trend away
from traditional pensions in retirement benefits. Indeed, HSAs may be
poised to become the 401(k)s of health care: a low-cost substitute for a
once-standard workplace-provided benefit, which can offer employees
greater flexibility but also can increase their financial burdens and
risk."I think what [employers] are really after is that
they're moving the risk from their balance sheet to the employees," said
Richard T. Evans, a health-care analyst with Sanford C. Bernstein & Co.
in New York. "The risk is being transferred without the consumer really
realizing it," he said.
Just as the 401(k) -- invented as a supplemental
benefit -- ended up supplanting pensions, HSAs could do the same to
traditional employee health insurance. Already, companies with HSAs are
enjoying savings on payroll taxes that mirror gains they made in the
shift to 401(k)s.
"Employers are saying they want some certainty" in
health-care costs, says Daniel Halperin, a Harvard University law
professor. Although HSAs don't place the full burden of paying for
health care on employees, "it's a movement in that direction," he said.
But employers see this trend as simply reflecting the
changing nature of the employment relationship, says James Klein,
president of the American Benefits Council, a trade group for employers
and the benefits industry. "It's a positive trend in our view -- it's
not a panacea, but it's something that ought to be encouraged."
Health-savings accounts enable workers to set aside
pretax pay -- sometimes combined with contributions from their employer,
if the company chooses to contribute -- to pay for certain health-care
costs. The account can be applied to health-care costs up to a minimum
deductible of $1,050 for an individual and $2,100 for a family in 2006.
After that, costs are covered by a catastrophic insurance policy that
users must purchase.
Established in 2003, HSAs are flexible in ways many
experts have long sought. Money in the accounts can be rolled over from
year to year, taken with the employee to a new job and spent on
non-health-care-related items after age 65. They also are available to
people who don't have insurance through their employers or who are
unemployed. Mr. Bush is proposing that such people be allowed to
contribute with pretax money.
Business groups generally hailed Mr. Bush's proposals,
including the National Association of Manufacturers, the insurance
industry and the financial-services industry, which is poised to reap
billions of dollars in fees from managing money squirreled away in HSAs.
Among the major companies offering employees an HSA option are
Wal-Mart Stores Inc., DaimlerChrysler AG's Chrysler Group and
General Motors Corp.
Chrysler Group says it contributes an annual $500 to
single employees' accounts and $1,000 for families. "Most companies do
it because it makes sense economically for the company and the
employee," says spokesman Dave Elshoff. A Wal-Mart spokesman declined to
comment on specifics of Mr. Bush's proposals but says the company has
"advocated that there be more latitude in HSAs."
About three million people have taken out the
high-deductible insurance that qualifies them to open an HSA, about
triple the number of a year ago, according to America's Health Insurance
Plans, the insurance trade group. Of those, about one million consumers
have actually opened an HSA, the group says. The White House has said it
intends its proposals to expand the number of Americans using HSAs to 21
million by the end of the decade.
Proponents say HSAs will help rein in health costs
because employees will be more careful about how they spend their money.
Critics say HSAs are unfair because they saddle the sick with the costs
of treating themselves, rather than spreading those costs across large
groups.
Employers decide whether to contribute money to the
accounts. Even if they do contribute, the employer's total cost for each
employee in an HSA is generally lower than for a worker in a traditional
health plan. For example, employers typically pay $3,284 for a single
employee in a traditional insurance plan; covering the same employee in
a high-deductible plan would cost $2,850, according to the Kaiser Family
Foundation.
Even if they don't contribute a cent, employers still
get tax benefits. And the more of their own pay employees set aside each
year, the bigger their employers' tax breaks. That's because employers
ordinarily have to pay a variety of payroll taxes on cash income their
employees earn; these taxes fund Social Security, Medicare and state and
federal unemployment programs. But under at least some HSA arrangements,
employers can skip most of those taxes on employee contributions to the
account, bringing the employer savings of as much as 7% to 10%,
according to some estimates.
For example, for an employer with a thousand workers
collectively setting aside $1.5 million, the employer would save as much
as $150,000 a year. Those savings are in addition to the income-tax
deduction the employer gets for contributions it makes to the accounts.
At a minimum, "the [payroll-tax] savings basically pay the
administrative costs," said Rebecca Miller, a tax specialist with
Minneapolis accounting firm McGladrey & Pullen.
Those tax savings could give employers "an incentive to
encourage contributions" from employees, said Princeton University
economist Uwe Reinhardt.
While payroll-tax savings do benefit employers, they
are unlikely to be a decisive factor for employers considering HSAs,
said Mr. Klein, the employer lobbyist. "In the scheme of what
health-care costs are, I doubt that would be a compelling reason to move
to that kind of plan design."
Employees also enjoy payroll-tax savings, which helps
make the accounts attractive to them. What's more, the Bush
administration proposal also calls for allowing people to put even more
money into the accounts, enough to cover not only deductibles, as
provided by current law, but also the cost of premiums, co-payments and
amounts not covered by their health plan. Currently, maximum annual
contributions to an account are limited to the lesser of the plan's
deductible or a fixed amount: $2,700 for individuals and $5,450 for a
family in 2006.
Mr. SHAW. Mr. Lewis?
Mr. LEWIS OF GEORGIA. Thank you very much, Mr.
Chairman. Thank you, Mr. Secretary, for being here.
Mr. Secretary, I would like to just ask you a general
question. We continue to make the tax cut permanent. We are engaged in a
conflict in Iraq. The tax cut helped those at the very top. You did not say
anything in your statement and the administration has not said anything about
shared sacrifices. The only people giving up something are our young men and
our young women that are losing their lives or losing their limbs in this war.
What are the American people, what is the administration asking the American
people to give up, to make some sacrifices? We are all in this thing
together. I would just like to hear you elaborate.
Secretary SNOW. Well, Congressman Lewis, that is a good
question, and the answer, of course, is this budget slows the growth rate of a
number of programs. We think it does it in a responsible way. We think it
does it in a way that long term will better serve the interests of the
country. But I have a number of fellow Cabinet members who feel quite constrained.
You know, they feel they have been held back on spending that they otherwise
might want to have done.
Mr. LEWIS OF GEORGIA. Mr. Secretary, since you raised
the question of the Cabinet, in Cabinet meetings‑‑maybe you are not
free to say, but do you ever have a discussion, do you ever talk and say some
of us should be prepared to ask the Nation, to ask the President, to ask the
American people to give up something, to sacrifice?
Secretary SNOW. What this budget, Mr. Lewis, is trying
to do is sustain the growth of prosperity across America, encourage the job
creation process, and raising wage levels and income levels across America.
That is at the heart of what this budget is seeking to do, and that is why we
are asking Congress to make the tax cuts permanent and‑‑
Mr. LEWIS OF GEORGIA. Well, how can you in God's name
ask to make the tax cuts permanent when we are engaged in a war, we have men
and women, our young people dying in Iraq, dying in Afghanistan, and then you
are going to make the tax cuts permanent? Is that fair?
Secretary SNOW. Well, yes, it is fair. It is important
that we continue to focus on the well‑being of people who are the
citizens of this country. There are 4.7 million Americans that have jobs
today who did not have them 3 years ago. I think that is an impressive record
and something we want to continue. We want to see real wage rates continue to
raise. We want to see prosperity continue to grow in America. This budget
is designed to make that happen.
Mr. SHAW. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. Ryan? Were you here? Okay. Mr. Cantor?
Mr. CANTOR. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Secretary, it is good to see you again.
Secretary SNOW. Thank you.
Mr. CANTOR. Thank you so much for being here before us,
and just following up on the questioning just before me, you know, I take a
different view. I look at the fact that we do see objective evidence that the
tax rate on dividends and capital gains being lowered produced phenomenal
results. I hear the gentleman from Georgia's complaint that perhaps we are not
paying enough attention to our men and women in uniform, and I do know that in
the budget being presented by the President, we are increasing the amount of
funds going to defense and our efforts in the war on terror, including Iraq,
Afghanistan, and other places.
I would ask, in the form of a statement first, that we need
to have a strong and vibrant economy at home, we need to continue to grow, and
we need to produce prosperity so that we can afford to keep this country safe.
I believe that there is irrefutable evidence that the tax cuts have
produced more jobs, the tax cuts have produced more Federal revenue than, as
was stated before, the CBO estimate ever even imagined.
But on the point of health care and health savings
accounts, we need to be concerned about our competitiveness. We need to make
sure that American business can compete abroad and at the same time provide the
health benefits that American workers have become accustomed to and, frankly,
need. I believe from the studies that I have seen that health savings
accounts produce a situation where individuals can have more choice at play in
terms of their health care decisions.
I was wondering, Mr. Secretary, if you can talk a little
bit about the President's health savings accounts proposals and how they would
encourage continued use by employers, because we know that recent studies have
indicated 31 percent of those involved with HSAs now were uninsured previously.
So, how are we improving the use of health savings accounts through the
proposals.
Secretary SNOW. Let me take a minute and go through this
because it is very important, and I appreciate the chance to respond to that
good question.
As you know, there are many, many small businesses in
America today who find it very difficult or impossible to afford health care.
I have talked to many of these employers as I have traveled the country, and
they like to be in a position to make health care available, but they just
cannot afford it.
At the same time, there are many self‑employed people
who find it difficult to afford health care, and one reason is the fact that
there is a fundamental inequity today between those who seek to buy their
health care in the private marketplace and those who get it through their
employer. If you get it through your employer, it is enormously tax‑advantaged.
It is excluded from income taxes. It is excluded from payroll taxes. If you
are buying it in the open market, it isn't. You pay for it with after‑tax
dollars, making it much more expensive.
What the HSAs at their very heart do is end that inequity.
They make contributions tax deductible. They make the premiums tax
deductible. They give you a credit back for the payroll taxes. So, in effect,
putting the private market, open market purchases on the same basis as the
employer‑provided health care, that is going to lead to a lot more health
care there the private marketplace, and that is a good thing. It is going
to mean lots of people who aren't covered today get coverage, and that is a
good thing. That is showing up in these statistics. The new proposals
the President has made are going to strengthen the ability of HSAs to meet the
need of the uncovered.
Mr. CANTOR. Thank you.
Mr. SHAW. Does the gentleman yield back the balance of
his time?
Mr. CANTOR. I yield back, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. SHAW. Mr. Neal?
Mr. NEAL. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Secretary, defense spending has gone during the last 5
years, I believe, from about $257 billion to $439 billion. We have created a
Department of Homeland Security, about $40 billion. Medicare Part D was
estimated initially to cost about $400 billion and now it is about $740
billion. We are fighting two wars‑‑one in Afghanistan for a little
bit more than $1 billion a month, and about $1.5 billion a week in Iraq. We have Hurricane Katrina standing in front of us.
Annually, the Congress in the past has done 13 spending
bills, and I think it is down to 12 now, and the President based on your
earlier comments, you said it was the priority of the administration to
restrain spending. Now, has the President vetoed any spending packages during
the last 5 years?
Secretary SNOW. No.
Mr. NEAL. Have you recommended any vetoes to the
President during these times, during your time as Secretary of the Treasury?
Secretary SNOW. Yes, several.
Mr. NEAL. Would you wish to share with us which ones you
have recommended for veto?
Secretary SNOW. Well, the necessity for taking that
action wasn't called for because the suggested changes we recommended were
made.
Mr. NEAL. Well, you know, Lawrence Lindsey recommend to
the administration some time ago what the real cost of the wars in Afghanistan
and Iraq were going to be. The Secretary of OMB, when he first came before the
Congress, current Governor of Indiana, he said it was going to cost about $60
billion. We hear this argument that it is time to restrain spending, but
the President has not vetoed any spending bills, right?
Secretary SNOW. Congressman, I have acknowledged that,
but I have also said that the Congress and the President, the White House, have
worked together to bring bills in line with the President's expectations.
Mr. SHAW. Mr. Jefferson?
Mr. NEAL. That is 2‑1/2 minutes, sir?
Mr. SHAW. That is 2‑1/2 minutes. If Mr. Jefferson
wants to give you some of his minutes, he can.
Mr. Jefferson?
Mr. JEFFERSON. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I wish I could.
I want to ask, Mr. Snow, about the issues we have back home
in the aftermath of Katrina. I appreciate the early help you gave us with
waivers and so on, with the EITC and other issues, but the big issue back home
is housing, how to get people back on a permanent basis.
We are about now at the end of the deferral period for most
mortgage holders and homesteads back home where we are going to face massive
foreclosures just right about now. It is going to affect the banking
industry, and it is going to affect the creditworthiness of a whole region. We
have got to do something dramatic and creative, and we are going to recommend
soon‑‑I want to see if I can get your support for this sort of an
idea‑‑where we permit the homeowners to defer making mortgage
payments over a period of time, up to 18 months, until sometime in 2007, or
unless they occupy the house sooner, where we have the Treasury, in effect, pay
the note along the way. At the end of this 18‑month period, we would
permit restructuring or refinancing or a solid second mortgage that permits the
persons to pay the Treasury back from their own financing, back to the
Government, and that way relieve both the banks and homeowners of the burden of
foreclosure.
Would you support such a concept?
Secretary SNOW. Congressman, you and I have worked
together on things in the past, and I think you know we try and keep an open
mind. I certainly am prepared to talk to you and see if something along those
lines would work. But I am not familiar enough with the proposal to be able to
give an informed comment on it at this point. But I will certainly follow up
with you. Of course, we have had many conversations with you and your
colleague, Mr. Baker, on finding the right answers here, and we are in
continuing conversations on that subject.
Mr. JEFFERSON. This would be well short of the Baker
bill as a solution, but it would be an immediate response to a crisis.
The other thing is in this so‑called high ground in
the city that did not flood, we have about 5,000 to 8,000 blighted houses that
can be fixed, are not in floodplains but in areas that did not sustain
flooding. There I would like to‑‑what we have done for the low‑income
housing tax credit for the rental property, we would like to do it for the
single‑family homeowners in that area. With that sort of concept, I
would like to ask you the same consideration of this concept so we can attack
this thing on two fronts. I hope we can get some real movement on these
ideas.
Secretary SNOW. Congressman, as you know, we have tried
to work with you, put in place recommendations that Congress acted on for tax
relief, the expensing for small business and the GO Zones and so on. So,
clearly, we want to work with you to make sure that the community comes back.
Mr. JEFFERSON. Well, thank you. We appreciate that.
Mr. SHAW. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. Ryan?
Mr. RYAN. Thank you.
I have two lines of questioning I want to go to, one tax,
then monetary, so I will try and fit it all in. Tax policy, a number of my
colleagues have been talking about capital gains and realizations, dividend
income and the estimates. Let me just quickly go through some numbers. Our
estimators here in the House Joint Tax Committee, assured Congress in 2003 that
the capital gains tax cut, going from 20 percent to 15 percent, would reduce
revenues by $3 billion from 2003 to 2005, with bigger losses after that.
According to the CBO, actual revenues were $62 billion higher than Joint Tax
predicted over a three‑year period.
Now, this isn't a one‑time mistake. In 1997, when
President Clinton lowered capital gains tax rates from 28 to 20 percent, Joint
Tax mis‑estimated revenue losses, which were increases by $84 billion.
The track record at Treasury is basically the same. The
OTA scoring methodology that you have has not only been wrong once, it has been
wrong every time, and so we have a scoring methodology we know through fact and
proof is wrong. Yet we have this tidal wave of taxes coming to the
American taxpayer at the end of the decade. I don't like to really say make
the tax cuts permanent as much as I like to say let us prevent large tax
increases from being inflicted on our constituents in the American economy. If
we go into tax reform or dealing with this tidal wave of taxes at the end of
the decade, with this flawed scoring methodology, it is going to be very
difficult to fix this problem.
I understand you are doing some modeling over there. You
are running new simulations. What specifically is Treasury doing to make the
scoring methodology more accurate?
Secretary SNOW. Congressman, what we are doing is
establishing an Office of Dynamic Analysis that will develop the capabilities
over time‑‑and we hope soon‑‑to get at the issue that
you have put your finger on. I think all of us who have a hand, as I suggested
earlier, in doing revenue estimates, need to be pretty humble, because we have
clearly missed‑‑we have underestimated here the power of lower tax
rates on the Government's revenue stream. I am struck by the fact that despite‑‑Mr.
Neal asked me about all this spending, and certainly we have commitment and we
need to spend for those commitments, but the January surplus was 21 billion.
The December surplus was 11 billion. The reason, in the face of this spending,
that we are getting this good results on the budget is the revenue side, the
revenue piece.
Mr. RYAN. The great thing about modeling is we can use
hindsight to test our models to see whether they are accurate or not. Do you
plan on taking the results of this office and putting them into practice? Then
I have a quick question on monetary policy, so if you could give ma quick
answer.
Secretary SNOW. The answer is yes, sure, that is the
purpose of it.
Mr. RYAN. Dr. Bernanke is, I think, testifying right
now, the new Fed Chair. It is his first time here in Congress. In academia,
and I believe when he was at the CEA, he publicly endorsed the concept of
inflation targeting, which I think is a very wise prospect. What is your take
on inflation targeting? Should we engage in explicit inflation targeting, and
if so, question number one, do we have to amend the Humphrey‑Hawkins Law
in order to engage in inflation targeting; and number two, should we endorse
and adopt an inflation targeting rule?
Secretary SNOW. Congressman, I have made a practice of
not commenting on Fed policy.
Mr. RYAN. I thought so.
Secretary SNOW. There is sort of a division of labor.
They do not talk about exchange rates, and I do not talk about interest rates
and inflation targeting.
I think it is important to respect that division of labor.
Mr. RYAN. Okay.
Secretary SNOW. Thank you.
Mr. RYAN. Thank you. I yield back.
Mr. SHAW. Mr. Tanner?
Mr. TANNER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Thank you, Mr. Secretary. Currently there is about 47
percent of the debt held by the public is in foreign hands, and last year about
90 percent of our Treasury securities were purchased by foreigners. In your
opinion, is there any level of foreign ownership of our debt that would have
national security implications?
Secretary SNOW. Mr. Tanner, I think the investment in
the U.S. securities that we see from many foreign sources is today a reflection
of the strength of the U.S. economy and our capital markets. So, I think it is
really a vote of confidence in America, and when people invest in America, they
get a stake in America and get a stake in seeing our institutions continue to
do well. So, overall, I think we would have to view the investment in U.S. securities,
equities, treasuries, fixed income instruments of the private sector and public
sector as a positive thing.
Mr. TANNER. I understand that, but is there any level of
foreign ownership that would cause concern from the national security standpoint?
For example, if they had a geopolitical interest or some long‑term
strategic interest for which they were willing to take a short‑term
economic hit, there is, I would assume, some level if we owe‑‑do
you see any level at which this would be of concern?
Secretary SNOW. Congressman, we would of course monitor
that and take action long before we saw it becoming a concern, but I do not
think it is advisable to put any precise quantification on that. But I take
your point.
Mr. TANNER. Would we have any warning signs, in your
opinion, when we were getting close to that point?
Secretary SNOW. I think we understand those markets
pretty well, and have capacity to deal with that, I do.
Mr. TANNER. Let me ask you this. You said, last year in
Iowa, that the consequences of continued deficit spending likely would be
higher interest rates with the resulting drain on the economy. If financial
markets lose confidence, then funds are made available only at higher interest
rates. Do you still agree with that?
Secretary SNOW. Absolutely.
Mr. TANNER. Now, as you know‑‑
Mr. SHAW. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. Becerra?
Mr. BECERRA. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Secretary, thanks for being here.
Secretary SNOW. Thank you.
Mr. BECERRA. I wanted to talk a little bit about
something you had said earlier about how the economic recovery has been good,
that this economy is sending benefits to all Americans. That can sometimes
present a deceiving picture when you talk in terms of averages. You talked
about average growths in terms of wages and so forth. But a quick example, to
make my point very clear, if we were to take the income of an average American,
middle class American, and take the income of Bill Gates, and if we were to
take the average of those two incomes, all of a sudden we have two billionaires
in our midst. The reality is that that middle class American is no closer to
being a millionaire than to being a billionaires. So, we have to be very
careful when we talk about averages.
That is why when you break down this economic recovery that
we have seen over these last couple of years, you begin to realize that the
benefits of that recovery have principally gone to folks who are very, very
wealthy, while the richest 10 percent in this country over the last 5 years has
seen its income rise by about 4 percent. The average, the typical American
family has actually seen its real weekly wages go down by about 1 percent. So, we have to be very clear to dissect this so we can really see how average
Americans are benefiting, not lumping average Americans in with very wealthy
Americans, and making it look like on average everyone is doing well.
The other point I wanted to make‑‑and I hope
there is a question in here‑‑is that when we talk about this
economic picture being so rosy, I have to ask myself, why is it that in this
budget, which you said you support from the President, did we have to cut
funding for widows who are trying to bury their deceased spouses. There is a
$255 Social Security benefit that widows receive, death benefit that widows
receive when their spouse‑‑who, by the way earned that deceased
benefit‑‑expires. This budget, your budget, would propose cutting
the $255 funeral cost benefit under Social Security that a widow receives.
That saves you $2 billion when you have an over $400 billion deficit.
You also are using the entire $190 billion surplus in the
Social Security Trust Fund to mask the size of the deficit. So, if you were not
to include the Social Security Trust Fund surplus, the actual size of the
deficit, and if you were to include the cost of the war‑‑
Mr. SHAW. Time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. BECERRA. ‑‑the deficit would be about
$600 billion.
Mr. BECERRA. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. SHAW. If there was a question there, the Secretary
will have to answer it in writing.
Mr. Foley?
Mr. FOLEY. Yes. Mr. Secretary, I do have to say the tax
policies of this administration have worked. Retail sales numbers are robust.
We cross 11,000 on the Dow. Unemployment is the lowest in a generation. Tax
policy is spurring investment. We have the greatest home ownership of our
lifetime. So, those are proof positive these are working.
The question though that I do have, I understand that as
Secretary of Treasury, you chair the Committee on Foreign Investment in the
United States. Looking over the budget, I could not find any line item that
specifically funds the Committee. Recent reports have indicated the Committee
has approved the transfer of ownership from Peninsula and Oriental Steam
Navigation Company, a privately‑owned British company, of the ports in
this country, New York, Newark, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Miami, New Orleans, in
other words, every major seaport on the Eastern seaboard, to a company owned by
the Government of the United Arab Emirates.
Just crossing the wire this morning, United Arab Emirates
are engaged in active negotiations with Iran to increase trade opportunities at
a time when we are trying to deal with the threat Iran poses to the entire
world. You recently acknowledged in an earlier statement that we have had a
tough time convincing the Chinese Government to adjust their currency. How
will we get a government entity who now controls the major shipping points of
interest in this country to do what we would like them to do if we cannot
impact the Chinese on a simple currency adjustment? What was rationale, first,
for the security risk posed by the potential sale, and are we going to be able
to dictate to them the critical security issues?
When I travel to Guatemala, to various and sundry places,
one of my first questions to their officers are, what are you doing to secure
the cargo coming to the United States of America? Now I have a concern that a
foreign national will own the ports in which those goods are arriving. Could
you expound?
Secretary SNOW. Yes. Thanks, Mr. Foley, for that good
question on the CFIUS. The Committee on Foreign Investment in the United
States is chaired by the Treasury Department. We never comment on particular
transactions, but what I can say is the Committee is made up of all of the
relevant agencies of the United States Government, from Homeland Security to
Defense, to Intelligence, to Justice, to make sure that any foreign purchase of
a U.S. based company does not pose a threat to the national security of the
United States. That is the job of CFIUS, to make sure that any acquisition of
U.S. companies does not pose a threat. Often what happens is that the
acquiring entity agrees to a series of conditions that are designed to make
sure that the security interests of the United States are protected.
Let me say that is a process that I have watched. I think
it works very well, and I think it is designed to well protect the security
interests of the United States.
Mr. FOLEY. One of the concerns, the GAO had a report to
the Exon‑Florio, which is the presidential directive to protect the
Nation on foreign investment. The GAO reports that there are weaknesses,
obviously, in the Committee's implementation. It says specifically,
"Congress should consider amending Exon‑Florio to more clearly
emphasize the factors that should be considered in determining potential harm
to national security." I guess that is the one thing that is troubling
me. Washington Times today says we should be improving port security in an age
of terrorism, not outsourcing decisions to the highest bidder. The ports are
thought to be the country's weakest homeland security link with good reason.
Only a fraction of the Nation's maritime cargoes are inspected. The root question
is this: why should the United States have to gamble its port security on
whether a subsidiary of the Government of the United Arab Emirates happens to
remain an antiterrorism ally?
I guess that is the sum and substance. They are today.
What happens tomorrow? How do we have safeguards implemented in law?
Secretary SNOW. Congressman, the CFIUS process‑‑and
again I have to be very careful not to go very far here because of legal
restrictions I am under‑‑but‑‑
Mr. SHAW. But, Mr. Secretary, if I may, according to the
rules set out by the Chairman, you will have to respond to that in writing.
Secretary SNOW. Good.
Mr. SHAW. Mr. Doggett?
Mr. DOGGETT. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Secretary, just putting the Republican budget cuts in
proper perspective, all of the cuts that Republicans just approved, student
loans to Medicaid, to child support enforcement and other vital programs, will
this year fail to pay for even one single month in Iraq. All of these cuts
amount to about half of the almost $9 billion that incredible Bush
administration mismanagement in Iraq has just lost. That is $9 billion, not
even counting all the Halliburton no‑bid contracts of taxpayer money that
the administration cannot find, can't keep track of.
If we approved every single penny that you have recommended
in this budget that you are peddling today, it would pay for little more than
four more months in Iraq, and of course, all of this doesn't count the terrible
cost in the lives and limbs of young Americans.
The question I have for you relates to your claims that you
are going to make us more competitive with this budget, because this new budget
once again essentially freezes Pell grants at levels that students received
about 30 years ago. You propose to eliminate most of the Perkins Loan program,
which half a million students rely on for fixed rate low interest loans, and
replace those with the new high interest Boehnert Loan program, which has these
rates and fees that students don't currently have to pay. This will add about
$5,000 on average to the debt that students have to pay when they are already
struggling with debt. It would seem that the competitiveness you envision
is more students having to scramble and compete against each other for more
scarce Federal resources.
Is the administration's solution here based on the idea
that our students will be more competitive if they have more debt that they
have to pay off and will work harder, or is this just consistent with your
philosophy that since we are going to have endless national debt, it does not
hurt for our students to have endless personal debt?
Secretary SNOW. Congressman, if you will look at the
record of this administration on education, what you see is something on the
order of a 40 percent increase of spending since the administration took
office, 40 percent‑‑
Mr. DOGGETT. Well, you don't disagree on the Pell
grants, that they are frozen at a level 30 years ago?
Mr. SHAW. Mr. Pomeroy.
Mr. POMEROY. Mr. Secretary, we have a lot of ground to cover.
Let's begin. Referring to your op ed piece in the Wall Street Journal today,
you indicate fully half of all households benefiting from the lower tax on
dividends alone, there can be no doubt that lower tax on investment benefited
the majority of American people quite directly.
Later in that same article you say: Keep in mind, the
typical investor today, according to Securities Industry Association, is a
middle class person saving for retirement with a household income of $65,000.
Now, is that where you come up with your conclusion that
half of all households benefit from this lower tax on dividends?
Secretary SNOW. That and the fact that because of the
lower taxes on dividends and capital gains, there are so many more people
working in America‑‑
Mr. POMEROY. But the beginning of your sentence you
said, yes, that‑‑so yo acknowledge that. Now, how does the tax
structure, if you say that these people are holding this money through the
stock investments made through their retirement funds, as I understand the
taxation of retirement funds, Mr. Secretary, you do not have capital gains
taxes and dividends taxes attaching to those funds. Is that correct?
Secretary SNOW. There will be taxes when the monies are
withdrawn.
Mr. POMEROY. Correct. But that tax, Mr. Secretary, is
figured at ordinary income tax rates, not capital gains tax rates or dividend
tax rates. So, it is my understanding, Mr. Secretary, that contrary to what you
are suggesting today, these capital gains and dividend tax issues don't relate
to the money coming out of retirement funds when someone is retiring and is
drawing down their IRA.
Secretary SNOW. Everybody who participates in the equity
markets of the United States, and that is over half of the households‑‑
Mr. POMEROY. That is a very‑‑if you are
going to say, well, we all benefit the‑‑
Secretary SNOW. Well, there were something like 36
million people have taxable dividends. 36 million is a pretty good sizable
portion of the American‑‑
Mr. POMEROY. I have figures from North Dakota, Mr.
Secretary, that says that basically 73 percent of the taxpayers across all
income tax levels receive no benefit from 15 percent capital gains, no benefit
at all. I believe you are misstating the taxation‑‑
Mr. SHAW. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. Lewis?
Mr. LEWIS OF KENTUCKY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Welcome, Mr. Secretary. I want to go in just a little bit
of a different direction here, kind of a niche issue. I know that one of the
administration's ongoing priorities is restructuring of the Black Lung
Disability Trust Fund debt. I understand that both you and Secretary Chao have
identified this as a key priority and a basic good Government issue. With the
trust fund nearly $9 billion in debt, without restructuring, it can never be
solvent. As you may be aware, I have introduced a bill to take this problem on
and hopefully solve it. I don't know if you are aware of the legislation. It
is H.R. 3915. If you are and if you have had a chance to look at it, do you
think this will address the problem and hopefully solve it?
Secretary SNOW. Congressman, I am aware of it, but I
have not had an opportunity to really review it. If you would like me to, I
will look at it and give you written comments on it or call you and talk to you
about it.
Mr. LEWIS OF KENTUCKY. I would appreciate that. If
there is anything else that you think we need to do to bring solvency to this
fund, then I would appreciate your comments.
Secretary SNOW. I would be pleased to do that, and I
have made a note of it.
Mr. LEWIS OF KENTUCKY. Great, thank you.
I yield back.
Mr. SHAW. Gentleman yields back.
Ms. Tubbs Jones?
Mrs. TUBBS JONES. Mr. Chairman, thank you.
Good afternoon, Mr. Secretary. How are you, sir?
Secretary SNOW. Good, thank you.
Mrs. TUBBS JONES. One of my colleagues on the Republican
side said this was the greatest housing boom we had ever seen, and the dollar
is‑‑this is the greatest bankruptcy boom we have ever seen too. In
fact, Financial Services passed some legislation because the financial markets
didn't want to many people to be able to declare bankruptcy; isn't that a fact,
sir?
Secretary SNOW. Well, I think‑‑
Mrs. TUBBS JONES. Don't take too long to answer. I only
have 2‑1/2 minutes.
Secretary SNOW. Yes. There were reforms in the
bankruptcy laws enacted.
Mrs. TUBBS JONES. As a result of the high number of
people filing bankruptcy, coming as a result of this great housing boom and
predatory lending.
Secretary SNOW. No. I think there was some serial
bankruptcies declared in a way that wasn't consistent with the intentions of
the bankruptcy laws.
Mrs. TUBBS JONES. Some serial bankruptcies declared
inconsistent, but that would have been‑‑I won't argue with you
about that, but the fact is, there are a high number of bankruptcies, even
though you are suggesting that at this time, this is the greatest housing boom
or economic standard that we have had.
Let me move on to another subject, Mr. Secretary. The
Social Security privatization included in the President's budget. The dollars
that are going to be expended to privatize over 10 years is something around
$1.1 trillion; is that correct, sir?
Secretary SNOW. It is in the budget. I think it is
something on that‑‑I think it is a little less, like three‑quarters
of a trillion, I think, is the number that I remember, but we can check that.
Mrs. TUBBS JONES. But it is a big number, regardless of
whether it is three‑quarters of $1.1 trillion.
Secretary SNOW. Right.
Mrs. TUBBS JONES. That is money that we have to
expend up front in order to fund privatization; is that correct, sir?
Secretary SNOW. Yes, over that period.
Mrs. TUBBS JONES. In fact, all of the stories, all the
polls, all of those say that the American public does not favor privatization
as a result of the cost, right?
Secretary SNOW. I think it depends on what poll you look
at and who you talk to.
Mrs. TUBBS JONES. I mean the polls were strong enough
that the President backed up on his decision to try and privatize in 2006; is
that a fair statement?
Secretary SNOW. Well, it didn't happen.
Mrs. TUBBS JONES. It didn't happen, and it did not
happen as a result of the American public raising their arms saying, "Mr.
President, we do not want to privatize Social Security."
Secretary SNOW. Well, I think it failed to garner
bipartisan support is a fair statement.
Mrs. TUBBS JONES. Because it didn't garner
bipartisan support, that means there are enough Republicans, along with Democrats,
who oppose it and you couldn't move forward.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. SHAW. Mr. Thompson?
Mr. THOMPSON. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Chairman, the budget calls for a tax increase on a very
significant portion of agriculture that I represent. It is the second try to
do this in the way of user fees. I have a letter that I would like to submit
for the record, signed by 20 bipartisan members opposed to that.
Mr. SHAW. Without objection.
[The letter follows:]
July 26, 2005
The Honorable Bill Thomas
Chairman, House Ways & Means Committee U.S. House of Representatives
Washington, DC 20515
The Honorable Charles Rangel
Ranking Member, House Ways & Means Committee U.S. House of Representatives
Washington, DC 20515
Dear Chairman Thomas and Ranking Member Rangel:
We urge you to strongly oppose any efforts by the Administration to impose
greater tax burdens on the wine industry through new user fees. This industry is
already one of the most heavily taxed and regulated in the country and any
additional tax burden would be harmful to the future growth of the industry.
As you may recall, the Administration's FY06 Budget proposal included a
provision authorizing the Treasury Department's Alcohol and Tobacco Tax and
Trade Bureau (TTB) to collect user fees in order to offset the cost of its
operating budget. These proposed permit and application fees amount to nothing
more than an additional tax on top of the billions of dollars in excise taxes
that the alcoholic beverage industry already pays.
It has come to our attention that there may be an effort to include such a
provision in the upcoming tax reconciliation package. We urge you to strongly
oppose any such effort. This provision would unfairly burden the wine industry,
in particular the thousands of small, family-owned wineries across the country,
many of which have just opened in the last few years. Any additional tax burden
would jeopardize the significant growth that the industry is currently
experiencing .
It is unwise and unfair to further tax an industry simply for complying with
federal regulations and we hope that you will join us in opposing any such
provision. Thank you for your time and consideration and we look forward to
working with you on this issue.
Sincerely,
Mike Thompson
George Radanovich
Steve Israel
Maurice Hinchey
Lynn Woolsey
Lois Capps
Doris O. Matsui
Timothy Bishop
Jim Costa
John T. Doolittle
Louise Slaughter
Ken Calvert
Randy Kuhl
Mary Bono
Sherwood Boehlert
David Wu
Darlene Hooley
Doc Hastings
Richard Pombo
Greg Walden
Mr. THOMPSON. Thank you, Mr. Secretary, for being here.
I am concerned about a real lack of oversight, not only behalf of your shop,
but ours as well.
According to the GAO, 16 of 23 Federal agencies aren't in
compliance with proper accounting standards. This week we learned from your
own IRS that there is a huge tax gap, somewhere between 290 and $345 billion
that we are not collecting. The Department of Homeland Security and Government
Accountability Office has released a recent report on Katrina. We are all
seeing that. We know that there has been terrible mismanagement in everything
from the payments to the hurricane victims, to thousands of trailers sitting
unused. Now there are reports of all the private sector problems
associated with the reconstruction in Iraq. Who is watching the store, Mr.
Secretary? Shouldn't we be having more oversight investigations and shouldn't
we be working together to do this?
Secretary SNOW. Congressman, there is always need for
more attention to details in managing things. I agree with you.
Mr. THOMPSON. I would like to see some effort, joint
effort for greater oversight so we can get a handle on this, because this would
go a long way in balancing our budget problems.
Quickly, on the alternative minimum tax, the President
stated that this should be addressed in the fundamental tax reform, but there
is no proposal in the budget. Does that mean that the President doesn't want
to fix the problems associated with alternative minimum tax?
Secretary SNOW. No, no. Quite the contrary.
Mr. THOMPSON. Then how do we do it?
Secretary SNOW. You do it in the context of broad‑based
tax reform and we will‑‑
Mr. THOMPSON. But it is not in budget.
Secretary SNOW. well, no, because we have not yet
finalized our efforts to come up with recommendations to the President.
Mr. THOMPSON. But there is not a place for it in the
budget.
Secretary SNOW. Well, because we have not yet come up
with the proposals.
Mr. THOMPSON. But in the same budget you are extending
tax cuts that do not expire for years, but the alternative minimum tax has
already expired and it is poised to hurt millions of Americans.
Secretary SNOW. We support the patch on the alternative
minimum tax.
Mr. SHAW. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. Hulshof?
Mr. HULSHOF. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I cannot believe my good friend from the State of
California would advocate tax breaks for wealthy people. I say that tongue in
cheek.
Mr. Secretary, welcome. I cannot let pass, however, some
of the rhetoric that has already become part of this hearing's record. I have
heard the terminology "shared sacrifice." Correct me, Mr. Secretary,
if I misspeak. It is my understanding that 5 percent of the top wage earners
in this country pay over half of the country's bills.
Secretary SNOW. That is correct.
Mr. HULSHOF. More specifically, a successful professor
in Columbia, Missouri, who may have published a book, is paying for welfare
benefits for needy families in Columbus, Georgia. A wealth business woman in
Washington, Missouri is paying for free housing for those in Washington State.
Americans reached into their pockets in the aftermath of Katrina and were
generous in providing for those victims of that tragedy. Yet now we are
seeing that some, some of the victims of that catastrophe have been spending
that money not to pay for the necessities of life. Probably most
importantly, regarding shared sacrifices, there are families in Monroe City and
Herman, Missouri and other small towns, whose loved ones have paid the ultimate
sacrifice for what we are doing in Iraq, and those families believe those
sacrifices have been worth it.
So, that is my comment. You need not comment on my comment,
Mr. Secretary.
But I do want to pivot and talk about, associate myself
with some of the remarks of Mr. Ryan, Mr. Foley, about how these pro‑growth
tax policies have in fact spurred growth and investment in our economy. I
think any fair‑minded individual would arrive at the conclusion that the
fundamentals of our economy remain strong. I would exclude from the definition
of fair‑minded individuals, those that are running from political
office. But one of the things‑‑I am a sponsor of H.R. 8. I think
I can say that it is a bipartisan bill because there were 42 of my colleagues
on the other side of the aisle on the death tax repeal, that voted for that
permanent, complete and final repeal.
Mr. Secretary, my question is: what is your opinion of the
impact on taxpayers and the economy as a whole if Congress fails to act, and we
allow the death tax to reemerge in its pre‑2001 levels, that is an
exemption of only one million dollar, and tax rates as high as 55 percent? If
we fail to do our duty and act, give me your best assessment of what might
happen to the fundamentals of our economy.
Secretary SNOW. Well, we would return to the far less
desirable environment we found ourselves in several years back, with slower growth
rates, less job creation and less income creation across America. It would be
to reverse the good path we are on. It would be a terrible mistake.
Mr. HULSHOF. I applaud the idea‑‑and I think
Mr. Ryan touched on this, others have as well‑‑the creation of a
Dynamic Analysis Division within Treasury's Office of Tax Policy. I think this
is a great idea to actually put into place real world economic scoring instead
of, my terminology, this flat earth sort of scoring that we have to deal with.
It is my understanding that the Dynamic Analysis Division will be up and
running hopefully by the July mid‑session review. I hope that we can
expect a dynamic analysis of the death tax repeal. Would you care, in the few
seconds I have remaining before the Chairman gavels me down, would you care to
venture a guess as to what we might expect from a dynamic analysis of the
repeal of the death tax, sir?
Secretary SNOW. I would rather reserve until we have
that analysis completed, but I do think that that tax does have an adverse
effect on entrepreneurship, and people continuing in businesses and continuing
to put their talent to work to grow the American economy.
On your broader question of the shared sacrifice, I
think it is important to realize that because of the tax cuts that you
approved, the code has been made more progressive. Higher income people today
pay a higher share of the total tax bill, and on the mistakes that were made,
and certainly there were some in the context of Katrina, the error were the
result of our commitment to try and err on the side of being as generous and
humanitarian as possible and respond to the needs of the people who were
devastated by that.
Mr. HULSHOF. Thank you.
Mr. SHAW. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. Emanuel, you are recognized for 2‑1/2 minutes.
Mr. EMANUEL. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Secretary, you had a report today about the fact that
approximately $300 billion in net dollars goes unreported and uncollected,
which then therefore leaves a greater burden of the taxes onto middle class
families. There is a couple parts of this I would like to talk to you about.
One is the fact that until 2003 enforcement was nonexistent at IRS. Obviously,
that was before your time, I am well aware of that. But it let the cat out of
the bag, so there has been a dramatic increase in uncollected dollars, could
actually reduce the deficit by almost 80 percent, if in fact what people owed
was actually paid. So, what are we going to do to do something about collection?
(B) If you look at your enforcement that goes on, close to
70 percent‑‑let me say it this way‑‑there has been a 70
percent increase in the funds for cracking down on first‑time teachers,
first‑year rookie police officers, and people who apply and use the
earned income tax credit. Yet only a 3 percent increased enforcement in all
other areas.
Second. If you happen to be making the minimum wage, you
are 8 more times more likely to be audited by the IRS than if you are a million
dollar investor in a partnership where only 1 in 400 get audited.
So, I am worried about what goes unreported, and
uncollected, and unenforced by the IRS. Then second, when you do actually
do the job of enforcement‑‑and there has been an increase in
dollars since 2003 under your watch‑‑they don't get distributed
equally and not everybody gets audited accordingly. I would trust you that
the people making earned income taxes, that is, people making about $25,000 a
year, work hard, play by the rules, trying to raise their kids right, that is
not where the gap is, and you have not enforced the law equally across the
board, and if you want to pick up $300 billion quickly that is owed and says
that everybody will live under the law equally and be responsible equally, you
need to enforce the law across the board equally, not based on whether you are
a janitor, a teacher or a millionaire investing in a partnership. You do not
apply the law today equally.
Secretary SNOW. Well, let me respond. The tax gap is a serious
problem, and we share your concern and that of the other Members of the
Committee on that score. The administration, as you acknowledged, has made a
serious effort to close the gap.
Mr. EMANUEL. After the problem got very bad on their
watch, right?
Secretary SNOW. Well, you know, this is not a new
problem. On this issue of who is getting audited, the budget calls for
significant increase‑‑and we have seen this in the last few years‑‑audits
of the high‑income taxpayers, those earning $100,000 or more rose‑‑I
think the audits of them last year were some 220,000 in fiscal year 2005, the
highest number in the past 10 years. I take your point. We need to be
equitable and fair here‑‑
Mr. EMANUEL. Mr. Secretary, you and I have a friendship
that goes way back. I am sorry there are some facts here that just are
stubborn, as Ronald Reagan used to say.
Mr. SHAW. Time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. EMANUEL. Appreciate that, Mr. Chairman. I look
forward to an answer any time in writing, Mr. Secretary, because it is not
true.
Mr. SHAW. Mr. Weller? Mr. Weller is recognized for 5
minutes. The other members will then be recognized for 2‑1/2 to keep the
Secretary on schedule.
Mr. WELLER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I will
certainly yield back any time I do not use, recognizing the Secretary is
limited in his time, and give every member an opportunity who has patiently
waited for their opportunity to ask questions of the Secretary.
Mr. Secretary welcome to the Committee. Good to have you
here today. It is always good to be with you.
I represent a district south of Chicago with a lot of older
communities, both rural and suburban as well as urban. I want to commend you
for including in the President's budget permanency for the brownfields
provision that we have worked to have included in the tax code, tax incentives,
to encourage the environmental cleanup of essentially abandoned industrial and
commercial sites, and I commend you for having the wisdom to do that. I worked
with your department along with my Chairman and others to create this
provision, and of course, I support the goal of permanency. I would also note,
as we work through the reconciliation conference, with Chairman Thomas's
support, we have worked to expand the brownfields provision to include
petroleum products. About 40 percent of brownfield have petroleum products.
We could always think of that abandoned gas station in many rural and suburban
and urban communities, the one on the strategic corner. People always think,
why doesn't somebody buy that? Well, there is environmental contamination
there. This incentive I believe will help create recycling of those sites and
put them back to work.
I would note, since this provision became law, that the
largest brownfield in the State of Illinois, which is located in the district I
represent, the former Joliet arsenal, has attracted in its recycling $1.5
billion in private investment, by the end of the year should have 2,000 jobs in
place, and frankly, now has the largest container port in North America, is I
think the third largest container handling facility in the world, all because
private investment attracted by brownfields cleanup.
The one issue I want to address to you, Mr. Secretary, is
dealing with the President's alternative fuels agenda that he talked about in
the State of the Union. I commend him for his goal of increasing energy
independence. I am one of those who believes it is a national security issue
as well as an economic security issue. We were reminded in September with $3.00
gasoline and higher, what happens when we are overly dependent on limited
sources, particularly petroleum‑based fuels.
When he talked about biofuels‑‑and I want to
mention to you, as you may be aware, I have introduced, back in December, the
Biofuels Act legislation which was nicknamed 25 by 25, sets a goal of providing
25 billion gallons of biofuels, ethanol, bio‑diesel, soy‑diesel in
use by the year 2025. We currently use 4 billion gallons.
But the legislation, I believe, will be a key part of our strategy
to achieve the President's goal of reducing our dependence on Middle Eastern
oil by three‑fourths by the year 2025. So, I certainly want to work with
you. I would note that in the Biofuels Act, there are provisions which provide
for accelerated appreciation for investment in refining capability for
biofuels. We continue the incentives that were in the energy bill to encourage
retailers to invest in the infrastructure necessary to distribute. Then we
also provide tax credit for flexible fuels, and this is an area I would
certainly like to work with you, Mr. Chairman.
I just want to ask of you, in my limited amount of time,
you know, from the administration standpoint, from the President's standpoint,
what are the advantages of emphasizing biofuels reducing our energy
independence, and then how do you see using the tax code to achieve that goal?
Secretary SNOW. I was pleased, within the last month or
so, to announce the implementation of some of the provisions in the Energy Act
of last year, that encourage greater reliance on hybrid vehicles. I think the
tax code can play a useful role here in encouraging movement in the right
direction on alternative fuels, and on alternative technology. So, we want to
work with you on that. I also hope one day to visit that port facility made
possibly by the brownfields.
Mr. WELLER. You have an outstanding invitation, Mr.
Secretary. We would love to have you there.
Secretary SNOW. I think it makes a point that is
important about the way the tax system works. If you out certainty into it,
you get investors coming in. That is one reason it is important to extent
the special treatment accorded to the brownfields on a permanent basis. It
would remove the doubt or the uncertainty affecting investment in facilities
like that, and would promote to goal of encouraging not only investment, but
environmental remediation, which is important as well. So, I look forward to
visiting there one day.
Mr. SHAW. Time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. WELLER. You have an invitation to come.
Mr. SHAW. Time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. Johnson, recognized for 2‑1/2 minutes.
Mr. JOHNSON OF TEXAS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Thanks for being here, Secretary.
Secretary SNOW. Thank you.
Mr. JOHNSON OF TEXAS. You have already discussed a
little of the criticism concerning people in the lower tax brackets who work
part time or do not get their health care through their employ, generally lower
income. If you want to discuss how the President's budget helps remedy that, I
would appreciate it. But I have one other question, and it may not be in your
expertise, but you can get back in writing if you want to, the idea to allow
employers to put more money into HSAs that belong to chronically ill employees
is an interesting one. Does the administration have an idea as to how
chronically ill will be defined?
Secretary SNOW. I think that is probably a question
better left to my able colleague, Mr. Leavitt, or Dr. McClellan.
Mr. JOHNSON OF TEXAS. Toss the ball, huh?
Secretary SNOW. Well, I think you might not get as
informed an answer from me as you would from them. So, I am going to defer to
them.
But on your broad question of the HSAs and how they affect
things going forward, if the HSAs are made available, and the broadening
provisions that the President called for enacted, I think you are going to see
greater reliance on HSAs, which can only be good for employees and small
business and entrepreneurs because now they are going to have access to lower
cost health care than is available today. It is a good option for them, not a
panacea, but it is a good option.
Mr. JOHNSON OF TEXAS. It gives them the advantage of
selecting their own health care processes.
Secretary SNOW. Exactly.
Mr. JOHNSON OF TEXAS. Thank you, sir. I will yield back
the balance of my time.
Mr. SHAW. Gentleman yields back the balance of his time.
Mr. Ramstad?
Mr. RAMSTAD. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Secretary, I want to ask you about a thorn in the side
of many taxpayers, and I am referring to the telephone excise tax. As you
know, this tax was first enacted‑‑well, it was enacted in 1898 as a
temporary tax to fund the Spanish‑American War. It is imposed by the
Federal Government on long distance phone calls. It seems to me almost an
absurdity today that the tax only applies to phone calls for which charges are
levied based on the distance and the time of the phone call. But as we all
know, most phone companies today don't base their charges on both distance and
duration of the call. Rather, they charge a flat rate per minute regardless of
the distance the customer happens to be calling.
Now, in the past few years, a number of taxpayers, business
taxpayers, have challenged the IRS's collection of this tax in Federal court.
In fact, no fewer than three Federal courts and a host of Federal District
Courts have all ruled against the IRS. Can you please tell me why in the world
does the IRS continue collecting this tax, and can you give us an indication of
how long the Government will keep litigating this issue? Mr. Secretary, why
not give it up?
[Laughter.]
Secretary SNOW. Well, I think the courts may require us
to do that very soon. You know, this is pending in the Sixth Circuit. The
Department of Justice took an appeal from the District Court. We are awaiting
that judgment. Should the judgment come down in alignment with the prior three
Federal Circuit Courts, I think the handwriting is on the wall.
Mr. RAMSTAD. That will be the end of the temporary tax
enacted in 1898 to fund the Spanish‑American War?
Secretary SNOW. I would think the time to bring that to
an end would be upon us.
Mr. RAMSTAD. That will be good news to taxpayers. Thank
you, Mr. Secretary.
I yield back.
Mr. SHAW. Gentleman yields back.
Mr. Camp?
Mr. CAMP. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Secretary, in Michigan, the issue of competitiveness is
foremost in most people's minds, and we are facing pressure not only from China
but India, Mexico, but also the high cost of health care. Can you explain what
the President proposes I his budget with regard to helping more Americans
better afford quality health care?
Secretary SNOW. The key provision in the President's
budget that would accomplish that objective, Congressman, is the enhancement of
the HSAs by allowing larger contributions and by making them even more tax
advantaged by allowing the purchaser to deduct the premiums on the policy, and
to get a credit back on the payroll taxes.
This should make an already very attractive vehicle even
more attractive. In order to make it more attractive to the lower income and
middle income people, it also has a refundable tax feature to it that will
enable people in lower income categories to be able to afford it.
The idea here is simply to make an option available for
people who don't have health care today, largely small business, entrepreneurs,
self‑employed, to be able to get the option of lower‑cost health
care.
Mr. CAMP. Thank you very much. Mr. Secretary, I am
interested of your assessment of the rate of economic growth in the United
States compared to, say, the European Union or Canada, and if Congress fails to
extend the tax rates on capital gains and dividends, would that economic growth
be potentially damaged, and if so, could you describe some of that for me?
Secretary SNOW. Yes. The United States today is the
envy of the world. Our growth rates are roughly double the growth rates of the
other G7‑G8 countries. At the heart of a strong recovery we are
enjoying is the tax policy that Congress adopted three years ago to lower the
taxes on marginal taxes on income, and to reduce the taxes on capital gains and
dividends.
I think it would be a terrible mistake to reverse course.
I think it would be a terrible mistake not to do the extension, and I think the
track record here is clear, and I would urge you and your fellow members of the
Congress to move on to permanency, because lower tax rates are consistent with
both strong revenue streams for the Federal Government and better jobs, more
jobs, in a more expensive, dynamic and growing economy.
Mr. CAMP. Thank you, Mr. Secretary.
Mr. SHAW. Gentleman yields back.
Mr. English, you are recognized‑‑
Mr. ENGLISH. I will pass, Mr. Chairman. I have a number
of questions, but in the interest of time, I will simply submit them for the
record.
Mr. SHAW. Mr. Herger?
Mr. HERGER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Secretary Snow, like many here, I firmly believe Congress
should act to permanently extend the tax relief of 2001 and 2003. Tax relief
has helped to rebound from the economic slowdown of a few years ago, has
stimulated growth and created a record number of jobs, 4.7 million new jobs,
has stimulated growth since 2003, and has also contributed to 14.5 percent
increase in Federal receipts, the largest increase in almost a quarter of a
century.
One of the confirmations of these numbers has been a report
issued by the National Federation of Independent Businesses that expanded
section 179 expensing, where small businesses are able to deduct up to 100,000
of investment in machinery and equipment authority is helping these small
businesses grow. I would like you to take a moment to elaborate on the
President's proposal to double the amount a small business can currently
expense, and make this amount permanently, and specifically, what benefit would
this assurance by to American small business?
Secretary SNOW. Congressman, thanks for the opportunity
to address that. Small businesses are really the engine of job creation in
America. They create two out of three new jobs. We saw that when the
expensing under 179 was expanded from 25,000 to 100,000, that a lot of
investment was made. It really spurred investment because it improved the
return on investment, it lowered the cost of investments. The evidence on that
is very clear, and what we are saying is for small business, since it worked at
going from 25 to 100, it is going to work even more raising it to the 200,000.
We want to continue to have small business lead the job creation parade in
America, make investments, create jobs and grow and expand, and this is
designed to do that. I think it is one of the strengths of America, our
vibrant small business sector.
Mr. HERGER. Thank you, Secretary.
I yield back.
Chairman THOMAS. [Presiding] The Chair thanks the
gentleman from Florida for his courtesies, and inquires if he wishes to
inquire?
Mr. SHAW. I have one area that I would like to inquire
into, and that is the question of the alternative minimum tax. I am not
talking about just simply adjusting, I am talking about abolishing it
entirely. It is probably the most senseless tax that we have on the books
today. We would, I am sure, have rescinded it on a bipartisan basis, and the
only problem is that the revenue figure is gigantic. have you done any
analysis as to what effect that would have on the rates if we were able to
rescind it on a revenue‑neutral basis?
Secretary SNOW. You are right, Congressman. The AMT,
particularly as it goes forward, will be generating very large amounts of
revenue. We intend to address the question of the AMT, not as a patch, but as
a permanent fix, and to do so in the context of broad‑based tax reform.
The AMT, as you suggest, is such an integral part of the tax life of the
American citizens, and will become more so in the future, such an integral part
of the code and the way we approach taxes, that it has to be thought of in
terms of the whole code itself. There are varying estimates. I think we have
one in our budget proposals as to what the revenue effects would be, but
whatever they are, they are very, very sizable. We know that.
Mr. SHAW. Thank you.
I yield back, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman THOMAS. Thank the gentleman.
Mr. Secretary, thank you very much, especially for your
willingness to accommodate, what I know is a very busy schedule, the
opportunity for the Committee on Ways and Means to speak with you at the beginning
of this budget process.
Secretary SNOW. Mr. Chairman, thank you very much.
[Whereupon, at 12:28 p.m., the Committee proceeded to other
business.]
[Questions submitted from Mssrs. English, Herger, Rangel, Stark, and McDermott to Secretary Snow, and his responses follows:]
Question Submitted by Representative English
Question: Thank you for your testimony before the
Committee on Ways and Means today. I appreciate your providing our committee
with an overview of the President’s FY 2007 Budget. As you recall, the hearing was lasting longer than
anticipated, and so in the interest of time, I agreed to submit my questions to
you in writing. Therefore, I offer to you the following concerns and request
your prompt response.
First, I would like to raise important issue
that has arisen under the provision enacted in 2004 to provide an incentive for
companies to repatriate their foreign earnings. I understand that recent
Treasury guidance (Notice 2005-64) would undermine the intent of this provision
(Sec. 965 of the I.R.C.) by imposing a tax penalty on companies that use the
provision to repatriate. As you may recall, I was the House sponsor of the
original repatriation legislation, and I have been following it closely to
ensure the incentive is working properly. In September, 2005, I wrote to you to ask that this
guidance be revisited to more clearly reflect Congressional intent. I did not
receive a response until yesterday, February 14, 2006 and despite the five-month
delay, the response simply stated that the Office of Tax Policy is considering
the issue. I do not consider this vacant reply to have addressed the concerns
I laid out in my letter. However, I understand that Treasury
is considering issuing further guidance that would allow taxpayers to switch to
the so-called “sales method” of allocating R&D expenses for the year of
repatriation without being required to stay on that method for five years.
Providing such guidance would go a long way to help mitigate the tax increase
that otherwise could arise and would be consistent with Congressional intent
underlying the repatriation incentive. I request that you inform me
whether Treasury will issue guidance to allow companies to be able to use the
“sales method” for allocating R&D expenses during this repatriation
incentive year without being bound to stay on that method for five years?
Second, I would like to focus on the matter of China’s currency. The Administration has heralded recent steps by China regarding its currency as important steps toward a freely market-determined Yuan.
Yet, I find it difficult to get too excited about important steps, as you have
called them, when there is no detail as to what those steps are. In July, when China revalued the yuan with a one-time adjustment and set the trading band to a basket of currencies from the dollar peg,
did they announce what currencies were in the basket? If so, could you please
provide a list of those currencies?
Is it possible that the resulting daily
value calculation of the yuan could vary widely based on their selection of
currencies in the basket? Could you please explain why?
On average, what is the daily
fluctuation in value of the U.S. dollar in percentage form? Do you think that China’s limitation of the change in value of the Yuan to 0.15% is overly cautious or
restrictive?
More recently, China announced that it would abandon the basket of currencies in favor of a system of 13
“market-makers.” Has the Central Bank announced which banks these market
makers are? If so, could you please provide the names of these
“market-makers?”
This system has been reported as an
“over the counter” system, can you explain in greater detail how it works?
Further, this new system was hailed
by some in the financial markets as a major step into injecting accountability
and market-forces to the Chinese foreign currency banking system. How can
accountability exist where transparency is conspicuously absent? And for that
matter, how can market forces operate effectively when access to information is
also missing? I appreciate your consideration of
and response to these questions as an extension of my time during the hearing.
I look forward to your response as well as to working with you on these and
other important issues pending before Congress during the remainder of the 109th
Congress.
Response:
JUN 0 7 2006
The Honorable Phil
English U.S. House of Representatives Washington, DC 20515-3803
Dear Mr. English:
Thank:
you for your letter on the section 965 "repatriation" deduction and
issues related to China's currency. Because your letter concerns matters of tax
and international economic policy, I have consulted with colleagues in the
Office of Tax Policy and the Office of International Affairs.
As we
stated in our previous letter to you on the section 965 deduction, we very much
appreciate the inquiries we have received from your office on the interaction
of the section 965 deduction and the rules for allocating and apportioning
research and experimental expenditures. This is a very technical subject, and
it has required careful consideration.
We
continue to believe that the rules S«:1t forth in Notice 2005-64. taken in
their entirety, are the most appropriate reading of the statute. We view the
rules in the Notice regarding expense allocation and apportionment as the
proper effectuation of the rules of the section 965 deduction as set forth in
the conference agreement.
After much
consideration, we have decided not to issue guidance that specifically
authorizes taxpayers to adopt temporary methods of allocating and apportioning
research and experimental expenditures as a consequence of the enactment of
section 965. Of course, any taxpayer remains free, through normal procedures,
to seek the Commissioner's consent to change methods before the end of the
five-year period described in Treasury Regulation section 1.861-17(e).
With
respect to your questions concerning China, I have consulted colleagues in
Treasury's International Affairs office. They note the following:
According to public
remarks by the governor of China's central bank. Zhou Xiaochuan, last August,
the US dollar, the Euro. the yen, and the South Korean won represent the main
currencies in China's basket. The Singapore dollar, pound sterling, Malaysian
ringgit, Russian rouble, Thai baht, and the Canadian dollar are also considered
by the Chinese authorities. China has stated it selects the currencies for its
basket based on their share in China's foreign trade, foreign debt, and foreign
direct investment. China uses the basket as a reference; thus changes in basket
currencies do not automatically translate into changes in the RMB. Daily
fluctuations against the dollar have averaged 0.026 percent since last July,
much lower than the maximum daily change (0.3 percent).
China has approved 13 domestic and foreign
banks to act as RMB "market
makers" on China's inter-bank foreign exchange market. According to press
reports, these market makers include eight domestic lenders-the Bank of China,
China Construction Bank, Agricultural Bank of China, Industrial and Commercial
Bank of China, Bank of Communications, Citic Bank, China Merchants Bank, and
Industrial Bank, as well as five foreign banks-ABN AMRO, Bank of Montreal,
Citibank, HSBC, and Standard Chartered.
In January 2006, China introduced an over-the-counter trading system that allows banks to trade RMB directly
among themselves at a lower cost. Previously the China Foreign Exchange Trade
System (effectively PBoC-the central bank) served as the counterparty on all
RMB spot trades and the high fees it charged its member banks inhibited trading
volume and volatility. The new rate setting mechanism now calculates a daily
central parity rate based upon a weighted average of each morning's opening bid and the ask prices for the market makers.
Secretary Snow recently
stated that he is extremely dissatisfied with the slow pace of Chinese exchange
rate reform. The Bush Administration has strongly pressed the view that major
economies should have flexible, market based exchange rate systems. The
Secretary has argued the case both bilaterally with foreign monetary and
finance officials and in multilateral meetings.
Although China has taken more steps to widen participation in the foreign exchange market, its
movements toward a flexible, market based exchange rate have not been rapid, as
you rightly note. This slow pace is neither in China's self-interest nor in the
interest of the world economy.
For the
last three years, the Treasury Department has made engagement with China one of its top priorities. This intensive engagement has concentrated on exchange
rate flexibility, but has also focused on the other steps necessary to shift
the sources of growth toward domestic demand and consumption, reform the
financial sector and build the foreign exchange market infrastructure. While
the economy of China continues to evolve, we are not satisfied with the progress
made on China's exchange rate regime, and will continue to monitor China's progress closely.
Sincerely,
Kevin I. Fromer
Assistant Secretary (Legislative Affairs)
Question Submitted by Representative Herger
Question: The President's budget includes a
provision to extend the 0.2 percent Federal Unemployment Tax Act (FUTA)
surtax. This surtax was created in 1976 to
pay for a temporary benefits program. That debt was paid off in 1987, yet
the "temporary" surtax has been extended multiple times. It is
currently set to expire at the end of 2007, and the Administration proposal
would extend it for another 5 years, until December 31, 2012. The federal unemployment trust
funds now total about $30 billion, well more than is needed to support annual
federal program costs. Even without the revenue attributable to the 0.2
percent surtax, there would be more than enough tax revenues to meet federal
responsibilities in any given year. Could you explain why the President's budget would extend this supposedly temporary payroll surtax yet again?
Response:
Extending the current tax rate will support the continued
solvency of the Federal UTF accounts and maintain the ability of the
unemployment system to respond to future economic downturns. We also note that
the Department of Labor projects some state trust funds will borrow in the next
few years even though no downturn is projected.
UTF dollars are not only used to support benefit costs. Under current law, they
also cover the administrative costs of State Unemployment Compensation programs
and grants to States under the Wagner-Peyser Act for employment services.
Using current economic assumption, the Federal accounts in the UTF will not
reach their statutory ceilings until Fiscal Year 2016. These ceilings may be
viewed as the Federal solvency requirements. Extending the 0.2% means these
accounts will reach their ceilings three years earlier.
Concerning Unemployment Benefits Program: There are several proposals in the
President's budget for the Treasury Department that relate to the nation's unemployment benefits program. For instance, one proposal would help states reduce improper
unemployment benefit payments and recover delinquent employer taxes by giving
employers new incentives to correctly report and pay the proper amount of
taxes. Are
you confident these changes will be beneficial to employers in terms of
limiting red tape and reducing tax payments to only the needed levels?
Response:
The Unemployment Compensation Program Integrity Act of 2006,
which the Department of Labor transmitted to Congress in May, contains several
proposals, some of which are optional on the part of the states, which would
support state “integrity” activities to prevent/detect improper payments and
collect overpayments and delinquent taxes. The Department of Labor’s data show
that, for every dollar spent on benefit integrity activities, the unemployment
fund gains between $4 and $5.
These proposals will be beneficial to employers because they result in net gains
to state unemployment funds. State UI tax rates depend in part on the state’s
fund balance; higher balances result in lower taxes overall for businesses.
Joint Questions Submitted by Representatives
Rangel, Stark, and McDermott
Question: For several years we have requested
information on the assumptions behind your budget estimates for the health tax
proposals both during hearings and in writing. Unfortunately, previous
requests have not yielded useful responses, despite that most of these data
points were needed to derive your revenue estimates. Please provide a table
with the following year-by-year estimates for 2007-2016, as applicable, for
each HSA/high-deductible health plan (HDHP) proposal in the budget, as well as
a cumulative column showing the total estimate (assuming interactions between
the proposals) and data source(s) for each estimate --
- The number of people newly insured as a result of
each proposal;
- The drop in employer-sponsored coverage as a
result of each proposal, and specifically (1) the number of people who have
shifted from employer-based coverage to the non-group market and (2) the number
of people who became uninsured;
- The number of people in employer-based coverage
who move from comprehensive to high-deductible coverage;
- The number of people who move from
employer-based coverage to Medicaid or other public insurance programs
(including high-risk pools), broken out by program type;
- The total number of new purchasers in the
non-group market;
- The estimated take-up rate for by AGI and/or
tax bracket;
- The estimated out-of-pocket costs as a percent
of net income by AGI and/or tax bracket;
- Distribution of tax benefits. Please provide distributional tables showing the estimated
tax benefits for each policy, and cumulatively, by AGI and tax brackets.
Your testimony claims that President’s health agenda will
make health care more affordable, and implies that it will lower spending.
However, it appears that costs are simply shifted to individuals and overall
health spending is not reduced. Indeed, these proposals cost the Treasury $156
billion over the next decade. Can you quantify claims of system savings, e.g.,
how much more affordable, which costs will go down and by how much? Where
precisely in the budget – or even in the underlying tables and analyses – are
the savings from moving people to HSAs? Surely there would be interactions in
public programs and tax benefits for employers?
The Economic Report to the President acknowledges
that high prices are one of the main drivers of higher premiums and
overall US health spending. How much does the Administration expect prices
for medical services will decrease as a result of these proposals? If actual
prices were to go down, that would reduce spending in other federal health
programs, such as Medicare and Medicaid. Are these interactions reflected in
your estimates of federal spending? If not, why? If so, please detail the
annual savings to each program for 2007-2016.
Although employers can contribute to the HSA, they are not
required to do so. In your modeling, what proportion of employers do you
assume will contribute to the HSA? How much on average do you assume such
employers will contribute? How much on average do you assume individuals or
families will set aside? How much do you assume are off-setting reductions from
other savings vehicles (e.g., retirement accounts, education accounts, etc.)
and what is the distribution across vehicles? If you do not assume reductions
in other savings vehicles, why (e.g., where do you assume the additional funds
come from)?
The budget shows
that you assume the HSA proposals will cost us $59 billion over 5 years and
$156 billion over 10 years in terms of lost revenue and new outlays. It is not
clear whether this is a gross or net number. For example, does this estimate
reflect any interaction with the employer exclusion for health benefits? How
much additional revenue does the Administration expect to take in as a result
of employers dropping or decreasing coverage for their employees (and
potentially increasing taxable wages)?
Previous
independent analyses from the Academy of Actuaries and others have indicated
that widespread adoption of HDHPs/HSAs or of other policies that could induce
adverse selection (e.g., Association Health Plans or AHPs) would dramatically
increase premiums for traditional insurance. For example, CBO projects that
AHPs would cause increased premiums for 80 percent of people covered by small
businesses. What does the Administration assume happens to premiums for
comprehensive policies under the HSA expansion assumed in the budget? If you
did not perform this analysis, please explain why.
Because HSAs are exempt from all taxes, including payroll
taxes (e.g., contributions by employers are not taxed), they reduce funding for
the Medicare and Social Security trust funds. How much revenue is lost to each
Trust Fund as a result of (1) your latest estimates under current law and (2)
adoption of the President’s HSA proposals in this budget? It is theoretically possible that you anticipate increased
Trust Fund receipts if you assume that employer health benefit expenditures are
reduced and wages are commensurately increased as a result of HDHPs/HSAs. If
so, what are your estimates for increased payroll tax revenue as a result of
these policies?
You mentioned “portability” in your testimony, but I
can’t find anything in the budget or other documents to explain what you mean.
What is the Administration’s portability proposal?
Health insurance premiums in the individual market are
determined by age, gender, and health status among other things. Older and sicker
individuals have to pay more than the young and healthy to get coverage. These
practices greatly favor insurance companies, which have the power to deny
insurance coverage altogether, or refuse to cover services that a patient might
need, such as maternity care. What new proposals does the Administration have
to require insurance companies to issue non-group policies to all applicants?
What new proposals does the Administration have to limit the ability of
non-group issuers to charge certain applicants higher premiums based on their
age, gender, health status or other factors?
Nearly all states allow health insurers in the non-group market to use
medical underwriting to refuse to sell policies and to charge certain
applicants higher premiums or exclude certain body parts or conditions, based
on the applicant’s health history or history of someone in their family. These
practices mean that insurers can selectively enroll applicants for all
policies, including high-deductible health plans (HDHPs). Does the President
propose or support any measures to require insurance companies to issue
policies to all applicants without medical underwriting? If not, how do you
propose to ensure that all people seeking HDHPs and HSAs are able to get them?
If you suggest that certain folks turn to high-risk pools or other non-HDHP
sources, wouldn’t that prohibit them from being able to open and maintain a
health savings account?
Do you show an
increase in the number of people eligible for the 7.5% deduction as a result of
the shift to HSAs? If so, what is the year-by-year comparison relative to
assumptions or projections under current law?
Response:
The President’s health care initiative is intended to address the
rising cost of health care in several ways. First, the initiative gives
individuals a greater stake in their health care decisions by emphasizing high
deductible health insurance. A fundamental principle underlying the initiative
is that when individuals are more involved in their health care decisions, those
decisions will be better ones. Putting the health care consumer more in control
of health care decisions, rather than third parties, such as insurance
companies, employers, and the government, will help reduce the rise in health
care costs.
Second, the initiative fundamentally alters the tax incentives that underlie the
current health care system. The current tax treatment of health care provides a
tax incentive for individuals to prepay for their health care through employer
provided health insurance. This results greater use of first dollar coverage and
greater reliance on employer provided insurance simply because of the tax bias.
Prepayment of health care through first dollar insurance coverage translates
into less price sensitivity by the health care consumers and is a significant
factor for why health care costs have risen roughly 2 percent faster than the
rate of growth in the economy for many decades.
The President’s health care initiative reduces the tax bias for first dollar
coverage and the prepayment of health care through employer provided insurance
by extending the tax subsidy available to health care purchased through employer
sponsored insurance to health care purchased by individuals whether financed
through health insurance or direct out-of-pocket spending, provided they
purchase high deductible health plans.
While putting the health care consumer more in control of his or her health care
decisions and addressing important tax biases that underlie our current health
care system, the initiative only increases the existing tax subsidy for health
care, principally for employer-sponsored insurance, from about $325 billion to
$345 billion in 2010 (Treasury Department estimates).
It is important to evaluate this initiative as a package, because the individual
provisions work in unison to address the inequity and the uneven treatment of
health care in our current system. Accordingly, it is not possible to
disaggregate the individual provisons in order to answer many of the specific
questions posed. As a package, the Treasury Department estimates that these
proposals will have a substantial effect on the number of HSAs, increasing their
number in 2010 by 50 percent. Under current law, the Treasury Department
estimates that there will be about 14 million HSAs in 2010. Under the
President’s initiative, the number of HSAs is estimated to rise to about 21
million in 2010. That is, some 21 million taxpayers would directly benefit under
the President’s health care initiative. Of course, helping to lower the growth
in health care costs is a central objective of the initiative and the
anticipated rise in the number of HSAs is important to achieving this objective.
The early evidence on HSAs is very promising. According to a study released by
AHIP, by January 2006 there were about 3.2 million people covered by HDHPs. This
is up very significantly from the roughly 900,000 people covered by HDHPs
reported by AHIP in September 2004. Research by AHIP also indicates that 42
percent of individuals with HDHPs have incomes below 50,000 indicating that a
substantial number of lower income individuals are using HDHPs. Similarly,
research by E-Health Insurance found that roughly one-third of those with HDHPs
in the non-group insurance market were previously uninsured. Also, recent
research sponsored by the United Health Group has found that individuals with
HDHPs are 5 percent more likely to seek preventive care than individuals with
traditional PPO plans. This is important because preventive care may help
dampens future growth in health care costs at the same time as improving
wellness.
Employers are playing an important role as individuals begin to shift towards
HDHPs by making substantial contributions to individuals’ HSAs. Recent research
by Kaiser/HRET indicates that, on average, employers contribute roughly $600 to
individuals’ and $1,100 to families’ HSAs. These contributions reflect one way
that the savings from lower insurance premiums associated with HSAs are passed
on to consumers. The important role played by employers in the HDHP market is
also reflected in tax return and information reporting data. A preliminary
Treasury analysis of these data for 2004, the first year HSAs were in effect,
found that nearly one-half of all HSAs were funded exclusively by employer
contributions. We expect to have an analysis of HSAs for tax year 2005 completed
by the summer of 2007.
[Submission for the record follows:]
Advanced Medical Technology Association (AdvaMed), statement
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