| Statement of Brock Slabach, Administrator, Field Memorial Community Hospital, Centereville, Mississippi, on behalf of the National Rural Health Association Testimony Before the Subcommittee on Health of the House Committee on Ways and Means May 22, 2007
On behalf of the National Rural Health Association (NRHA) and as a hospital
administrator of a critical access hospital in Centreville, Mississippi, thank
you for this opportunity to testify before the committee on the impact, or lack
thereof, of Medicare Advantage (MA) plans, especially Private Fee-for-Service (PFFS)
Plans, in rural America. The NRHA is a national, non-profit membership
organization whose mission is to improve the health of rural Americans.
NRHA provides leadership on rural health issues through advocacy,
communications, education and research.
Rural beneficiaries enrolled in PFFS disproportionately outnumber their urban
counterparts and often require greater chronic care. Rural Medicare
beneficiaries deserve a Medicare plan that is sensitive to their needs and
provides security to the fragile rural health care safety net. This
testimony focuses on the NRHA’s concerns for MA expansion in rural areas across
the nation and the NRHA’s recommendations to Congress on how to best provide for
the needs of our senior populations in rural America. Our primary concern
is payment equity and access to care in the Medicare system, especially in
traditional Fee-for-Service and PFFS, where rural beneficiaries are most likely
to enroll.
Medicare Advantage for Rural America?
INTRODUCTION
The enactment of the Medicare Prescription Drug Improvement and Modernization
Act of 2003 fundamentally changes Medicare in ways not yet fully understood by
either the public or providers. Medicare Advantage (MA) is intended to fulfill
the goals of (1) substantially increasing the number of Medicare beneficiaries
enrolled in private health insurance, based on the premise believed by many
policy makers that competition among these private health plans and between
these plans and the traditional fee-for-service Medicare program will reduce
federal spending; and (2) creating opportunities for beneficiaries to enroll in
richer benefit packages than available through traditional Medicare (sometimes
with tradeoffs regarding choice of providers and drug formularies, and
oftentimes at a higher cost than the cost of care under traditional Medicare
fee-for-service). Policy makers may also believe, at least implicitly, that
private health plans can be held accountable for healthy outcomes for enrollees,
as measured against benchmarks established by the National Committee for Quality
Assurance. The focus of my testimony is to address MA implementation in regard to PFFS
issues relevant to rural communities. It assumes that the federal policy of
“privatizing” Medicare to create a competitive structure to cut costs will
continue. It is left to others to argue the probability of MA taking permanent
root in rural America, in a way its predecessor, Medicare+Choice, did not. This
is a serious question as currently only 5.6 percent of rural Medicare
beneficiaries have joined a MA plan. However, those that join MA plans in
rural America are five times more likely to join PFFS than their urban
counterparts. What we know from this is that if MA plans gain rural market
share, the potential consequences to rural health from PFFS is significant, and
potentially quite negative.
Rural America cannot wait to see what MA does or doesn’t do. Potential
problems need to be identified and resolved before the MA program becomes
entrenched and less readily adjusted. MA must be implemented in a manner that is
sensitive to the needs of rural communities. If not, the negative impact on the
rural health care infrastructure could take a generation to rebuild. Medicare
beneficiaries should not be required to lose access to local services to obtain
the promise of increased benefits.
WHAT IS THE POTENTIAL DOWNSIDE OF MEDICARE ADVANTAGE IN RURAL COMMUNITIES?
With MA, beneficiaries’ access to benefits and to local providers is
determined by private sector health plan contracts with beneficiaries and with
providers and only indirectly by Medicare. The spread of MA fundamentally
changes how beneficiaries, providers, private health insurance plans, and the
Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) will relate to and work with
each other. As these relationships change, there is a real and significant risk
to beneficiaries’ access to local care and to the ability of rural hospitals and
doctors to provide local services. Medicare must continue to improve, but the
fragility of our seniors and the rural health infrastructure demand something
more than the haphazard approach observed to date.
Regional Preferred Provider Organizations (RPPOs) are MA private
health insurance plans that must provide uniform benefit packages and premiums
to all beneficiaries in a state or combination of states—rural and urban areas
alike. RPPO plans are required to gain a certain density of network providers
within their geographic area or provide out-of-network services to beneficiaries
at in-network cost-sharing levels. They differ from other MA health plans in
this respect since all other types of MA plans are able to determine their own
service area. As an incentive for the growth of RPPOs, Congress created a
“stabilization fund” that CMS can draw from to make “extra” payments to the
RPPOs to incent their development. Congress was explicit in its intent to
encourage private plans’ growth in rural areas. In addition, many of these same
insurers have the very real advantage of already contracting with beneficiaries
for their Part D pharmacy coverage— the perfect platform from which to sell RPPO
products. However, as of November 2006, there is very little enrollment in
regional plans and the requirement that new PPOs must be regional expires on
January 1, 2008. Therefore, enrollment in these regional plans may remain very
low. Furthermore, the Tax Relief and Health Care Act reduced funding to the
“stabilization fund” to $3.5 billion, and delayed availability until 2012.
Private Fee-for-Service (PFFS), unlike other MA plans, are similar to
traditional Medicare in that they do not include a care management component.
Presently, PFFS plans are available in 96 percent of rural counties, and are the
most prevalent type of private Medicare plan in rural areas. There are two kinds
of PFFS plans that are quite different. The first, the “non-network” model,
allows PFFS plans to operate without a contracted network of providers, but
these plans must pay all providers at rates that are “comparable to traditional
Medicare rates.” For providers whose payments are “cost-based” under traditional
Medicare, this provision appears to be being interpreted as the provider’s
interim payment rate (without the usual year-end cost settlement). The second
model, still rare, is a PFFS plan with a contracted network. Contracted or
deemed providers in these plans may be paid at rates lower than traditional
Medicare, if community access standards are met.
Under both PFFS models, providers can be “deemed” (for a particular plan
enrollee for a particular visit or admission) to be PFFS plan providers. This
means, without knowing it, the provider may have agreed to accept the plan’s
terms and conditions, including the rate of payment. Three conditions must be
met for a provider to be deemed a PFFS plan provider: (1) the provider must know
that the patient is a member of a PFFS plan, (2) the provider must be aware of a
PFFS plan’s terms and conditions, and (3) the provider must perform a covered
service for the patient. As a deemed PFFS plan provider, a provider must accept,
as payment in full, whatever rate that particular PFFS plan pays their other
contracted providers. This is a grave concern for many rural providers as it may
have the effect of reversing programs established by Congress, such as Critical
Access Hospitals and Rural Health Clinics, which have provided payments that
allow access to care in rural communities. In addition, as “non-network” PFFS
plans gain market share, it is reasonable to assume these plans will convert to
the “network” PFFS model and become aggressive in negotiating rates below
traditional Medicare payment rates and below the cost of care in rural
communities.
MA has the potential for significant beneficiary confusion. Choice is
generally thought to be good but too much choice, too much variation among MA
health plans, makes comparison shopping difficult, particularly for the elderly.
The potential for confusion extends to the type of private plans and the
relative merits of the type of plans in comparison to each other and to
traditional Medicare, leading to a concern regarding potential abuse of the
system. Testimony at field hearings by the National Advisory Committee on Rural
Health and Human Services cited significant confusion by the elderly, an issue
that is not unique to rural beneficiaries. Recently, the HHS Office of the
Inspector General announced that the Office is evaluating whether certain health
insurers are coercing beneficiaries to enroll in an MA plan that would include
prescription drug benefit (MA-PD) versus a stand-alone drug benefit program.
Enforcement of Community Access Standards is absolutely critical to
prevent steerage of Medicare beneficiaries and inordinate leverage by MA plans
against rural providers. The MA program statutes and regulations require CMS
to ensure that plan enrollees have reasonable local access to covered services.
How CMS and MA plans interpret what is “reasonable” is critically important to
rural beneficiaries and providers as well as to the acceptance of MA plans in
rural communities. As stated in the CMS Medicare Managed Care Manual: “Plans
must…ensure that services are geographically accessible and consistent with
local community patterns of care.” It is not known how or whether CMS is
enforcing this provision with PFFS and RPPO plans. Anecdotal evidence to date
indicates enforcement is lax at best.
If beneficiaries enrolled in an MA plan are not well informed about their
rights to access care locally, they are less likely to exercise that right. This
knowledge is particularly important for enrollees in RPPO plans, since they have
the right to obtain services from certain non-network providers at in-network
rates if the plan’s provider network is inadequate in the beneficiaries’ area.
If CMS does not diligently monitor and enforce plan compliance, plans will have
significantly less incentive to contract with a region’s rural providers,
undermining the rural health infrastructure in the effected communities. Plans
could end up steering rural beneficiaries away from their local health care
providers, forcing beneficiaries to leave their community for care that’s
available locally. This loss of volume could lead to the closure of local
services and loss of access to care for all beneficiaries in the community as
well as all other local residents.
MA has the potential to destabilize the existing rural safety net.
Whether or not MA plans will honor existing rural add-on payments for safety net
providers is not known. All MA plans, except “non-network” model PFFS plans, are
permitted to negotiate payment rates with providers at levels below amounts the
providers would receive under traditional fee-for-service Medicare. This is a
process that seems to favor the MA plans, particularly in rural areas where
providers may have little managed care contracting experience and little or no
negotiating power such as in less remote areas where MA plans can threaten to
steer patients to other contracted providers. In some rural areas, individual
providers may be able to force fair negotiations because of isolation from other
providers and therefore a position of strength vis-à-vis health plans needing to
include them to meet access standards.
Under traditional Medicare, many rural providers receive special payment
rates to reflect the various financial challenges of providing health care in
rural areas. These payments were factored into CMS’ benchmarking process that’s
described below. There is a concern whether the MA plans will recognize these
targeted rural special payments that have been part of traditional Medicare
payments to rural providers.
The promise of additional benefits to beneficiaries from MA plans is
unevenly distributed. The technical specifics of the MA bidding process
create inequities in the availability of plans with reduced cost sharing or
additional benefits in rural areas. The benchmarks used in the bidding process
are based on historical Medicare fee-for-service payments at the county level,
incorporating historical geographical variation in Medicare expenditures. In
general, urban areas have higher physician-to-patient ratios, higher rates of
utilization and consequently higher benchmark rates. The degree to which rural
county level payment “floors” mitigate this issue is not known. Opportunities
for additional savings and benefits should not be based on a system that
primarily rewards areas that historically have excess utilization and provides
minimal incentives to maintain reasonable utilization in those places where the
amount of care provided is already close to appropriate levels, or in fact too
low.
Traditional Medicare is not a safe harbor. If the past is a guide,
economic incentives will incent MA plans to expand by attracting healthier,
lower-cost beneficiaries from traditional Medicare (based on the experiences of
Medicare HMOs in the 1980s and 1990s). This would have a negative effect on the
traditional Medicare program, leaving it with a disproportionate number of
sicker and older patients. Traditional Medicare would be left burdened with
higher costs, increasing the political pressure to reduce traditional Medicare’s
benefits and provider payments. The actual impact of enrollment in MA plans will
be more complex than earlier managed care efforts because of provisions of the
2003 legislations that provided for full implementation of risk adjustment, use
of corridors to protect plans from unpredicted risk associated with adverse
selection, and enrollment in special needs plans that are marketed specifically
for chronically ill beneficiaries (the number of such plans grew in 2006 and
again in 2007). Nevertheless, the possibility remains that the earlier
experience of favorable risk enrollment in MA plans could be repeated.
CMS needs to walk the transparency talk. CMS’s Hospital Compare web
site is based on the concept that it is good to make provider performance
available to the public. Similarly, detailed data describing CMS and plan
performance must be publicly available. Just one example: enrollment figures for
MA plans in rural communities were not made public until almost a year after MA
plans began enrolling beneficiaries. How plans are managing the communication
with beneficiaries around the key issue of access standards and how CMS is
monitoring compliance to these standards is also unknown.
RECOMMENDATIONS of the NRHA
· The Congress should pass
legislation that ensures Critical Access Hospitals and Rural Health Clinics are
paid by MA organizations an amount equivalent to or no less than they would be
paid by traditional Medicare. The Rural Health Services Preservation Act of 2007
(S. 630, H.R. 1563, and H.R. 2159) is an example of recommended legislation.
· CMS must engage with rural health
experts regarding how best to determine and enforce rural community access
standards consistent with individual communities’ historic/present patterns of
care. CMS must also engage with rural citizens about these standards by
developing more user- friendly web sites, train more call center workers who
understand the “older learner” and/or their (mature) children or friends who
have questions.
· CMS must take action to ensure
that beneficiaries are given the information and support to allow them to make
well-informed decisions, particularly for rural beneficiaries who typically have
less experience with managed care.
· CMS Regional Offices must regain
their role as an access point by providers in their regions for definitive MA
information and an ombudsman for dispute resolution with plans.
· CMS needs to continue providing
county or equivalent specific plan enrollment data and in a timely manner
(quarterly over time).
· A web site is needed for
providers to verify beneficiaries’ current plan enrollments.
· The approval process of MA plans
and amendments needs to be transparent, including web-based access to the
details of the approved applications.
· Payments to MA plans should not
rely on a payment mechanism that rewards regions with high utilization at the
expense of regions with lower utilization.
· Administration of PFFS plan
payments to non-contracted providers needs to be improved. Situations where
intermediaries artificially keep interim rates low as well as the fact that the
CRNA pass-through and bad debt are not included in interim rates, need to be
addressed.
· The Federal Office of Rural
Health Policy should be given expanded authority to provide technical assistance
and outreach on ways rural providers can collaborate in the review of MA
contracts.
· Congress should increase funding
for local organizations serving the elderly to provide increased technical
assistance to beneficiaries enrolling in MA plans.
· State insurance commissioners’
offices should be encouraged to act as state level ombudsmen for rural
beneficiaries enrolled with MA plans.
CONCLUSION
Medicare Advantage is still unfolding, with its full effect yet to be seen.
If the privatization of Medicare in rural America is only partially
accomplished, the rural health landscape will be significantly transformed. It
is imperative that (1) rural beneficiaries are ensured appropriate access to
local care, (2) rural beneficiaries have access to and receive the benefits
equivalent to those able to be offered by MA in urban communities, (3) payment
rates are high enough to sustain a viable rural health system, and that (4) the
relationship among beneficiaries, providers, plans and, CMS be well integrated.
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